20th August 1812: 'Lady Ludd' leads autoreduction in Leeds again

On Thursday 20th August 1812, and two days after leading a mob in the town, 'Lady Ludd' returned to Leeds in the morning. Potatoes were seized in the market-place, and shopkeepers were ordered to lower their prices. The Manchester Mercury reported that similar actions took place in many of the towns in the surrounding area.

In Sheffield, fearful of what may follow, the local bourgeoisie organised a meeting at the Cutlers' Hall to arrange a subscription to relieve distress to those not already on Parish Relief. £700 was subscribed by the meeting. The Leeds Mercury said "The town is in much confusion, none knowing to what lengths these acts of insubordination, once begun may be carried".

18th August 1812: Food riots in Leeds headed by 'Lady Ludd' - similar scenes in Sheffield

Despite the reports of abundant harvests that had been reported in a recent edition of the Leeds Mercury, the price of Corn in the West Riding remained high. On Tuesday 18th August 1812 ordinary people could not bear it any longer, and food rioting broke out four months after it had been widespread in the North West of England.

On that day, one farmer from Seacroft was jostled by people in the market, but peace officers arrived and he hurriedly left. Another farmer from Swillington who had come to the market-place was singled out for attention, since his prices were the highest. His corn was seized en masse by the people in the market, with around two sacks of wheat being thrown around the streets. Other farmers and corn-dealers were later assaulted on their journey home, one suffering a head injury.

In the afternoon, a group of women and boys had gathered and began to move around the streets. They were led by a woman the Leeds Mercury described as being 'dignified with the title of LADY LUDD'. The Manchester Mercury described their activity:

"they hooted every passenger who had the appearance of a farmer or corn-dealer and shouted huzzaed opposite the bakers and meal-sellers' shops"

Later in the evening, the property of a miller at Holbeck called Shackleton was attacked - windows were broken and the damage was later estimated at between £30 and £40.

At Sheffield, similar  disturbances took place the same day, and also the following day: flour dealers were compelled to sell their stock for 3 shillings per stone, and oatmeal proportionally similar. The Leeds Mercury described the autoreduction as being 'principally led on by women'.

11th August 1812: 300 women practice autoreduction at Knottingley, West Yorkshire

On Monday 10th August 1812, a group of women had assembled alongside the canal at Knottingley Lock, near Pontefract, to try to intercept a barge laden with corn. Either the barge did not turn up, or there was some other reason, but nothing happened.

The following morning, they turned out again at Knottingley, and were joined by 300 other women. They visited the provision shops, and demanded that flour was sold to them at the reduced price of 3 shillings per stone. The shopkeepers complied, and the woman persuaded the town cryer to announce the results of their autoreduction more widely. Soon, a large number of women came from nearby Brotherton to buy flour at the reduced price.

The direct action had knock-on effects in the locality: the bourgeoisie at nearby Ackworth hastily organised a subscription to sell flour at reduced prices, and similar measures were adopted at Pontefract.

23rd July 1812: The trial of the Horbury food rioters at York Summer Assizes

The Leeds Mercury of 25th July 1812, carried the details of the trial 3 women, accused of rioting in Horbury on 17th June 1812. The trial took place on Thursday 23rd July 1812.

BETTY WOOD (aged 60), MARY ELLIS (aged 24), and MARY WRIGHT (aged 20) were charged with Highway Robbery, in putting in bodily fear, and stealing by force and violence from the person of Benjamin Byrom, a quantity of potatoes and onions. This case may be stated in a few words.

On the 17th of June, Benjamin Byrom, a hawker of potatoes, went with his cart to Horbury, where a number of women and children made an assault upon him, and threw his potatoes into the street; some of the rabble run away with a few of them—but nothing of this kind was proved against the Prisoners. The law in this case, as stated by the Judge, ought to be known. If the intention of the mob is to steal, or to convert to their own use, any part of the property, every person in the mob is answerable for the acts of that mob; and if property is taken away, every individual in the riot may be prosecuted for the robbery, and may be capitally convicted, as the case may be, though such individual may have taken no part of the property. But if the intention of the mob is to destroy the property, and a few in the mob deviate from such intention, and steal part of it, their acts affects only themselves, and does not implicate any other person. The Jury, without hesitation acquitted all the Prisoners.

18th June 1812: Six women committed to Lancaster Castle for rioting at Barton in April

On Thursday 18th June, the Manchester Magistrates committed 6 women for taking part in rioting at the mill of Messrs Gilbert, Marsdens & Co at Barton-upon-Irwell on 20th April 1812. Their names were: Mary Clair, Mary Barlow, Betty Birch, Sarah Parkinson, Mary Lunn & Elizabeth Benion.

13th June 1812: The execution of 8 prisoners at Lancaster Castle

On Saturday 13th June 1812, eight prisoners convicted and sentenced to death at the Lancaster Special Commission were executed at Lancaster Castle.

The account of the execution is from the Lancaster Gazette of 20th June 1812. When reading accounts of executions in this period, the context and the intended message and all important. Accounts generally paint a portrait of individuals expressing remorse, often admonishing others not do as they have done. For the authorities and the media, this was an important part of the legal and judicial process - punishment as an awful spectacle and as a warning. The accounts of 'lamentations' of the prisoners in this account are scarcely credible to the modern reader.

Execution of the Lancashire Rioters.

On Saturday last, at noon, and eight malefactors under sentence of death, in our Castle, suffered the dreadful sentence of the law, viz Hannah Smith (54) for rioting and highway robbery, at Manchester; Abraham Charlson (16) Job Fletcher (34) Thomas Kerfoot (26) and James Smith (31) for rioting and burning the mill, at West Houghton; John Howarth (30) John Lee (46) and Thomas Hoyle (27) for rioting and breaking into a house, and stealing provisions, at Manchester—A vast concourse of people assembled to see the awful end of these deluded wretches, who felt the bitter consequence of listening to the artful insinuations of men, whose principles are at enmity with all law, human and divine. We are told, on the authority of those to whom the unhappy wretches opened their minds, and told their griefs, that there are men in this county, whose days, though lengthened for a short duration, will always be imbittered by the corroding reflection, that their revolutionary ideas have brought their more ignorant neighbours to an untimely end. The general lamentations of the prisoners were, “Oh, that we had not listened to the seditious suggestions of our neighbours!” “God forgive them!” “They have betrayed us into the gulf of misery” “Oh, that our example may be a warning to all who hear of our unhappy fate!”—The morning of their exit was spent in most earnest prayer, commending their souls to the Divine Being, through the meditation our Saviour. Perhaps there were never were heard more deplorable supplications, nor a more awful scene than the departure of these wretched beings from the Chapel, in the Castle, to the room adjoining the platform. During the short interval between condemnation and execution, they deeply felt the awful effects of drunkenness, blasphemy, and the neglect of divine ordinances. Tho’ their sins were great, yet there is some hope that their repentance was sincere. The morning after the execution, their bodies were decently interred.

A paragraph having appeared in many of the papers, stating the above unfortunate persons had behaved with the greatest indifference and unconcern, after their condemnation, we have the authority of the Rev. Mr Rowley, Chaplain to the Castle, for assuring our readers, that during the whole time after receiving sentence they behaved with the utmost decorum, appearing truly penitent, and repeatedly wishing that their untimely fate will prove a warning to those who had broken the laws, and cause them to refrain from their evil ways.

A troop of the Blues attended at the place of execution, and four companies of the Berkshire Militia were under arms, during the awful scene; but we are happy to add, but not the least symptoms of tumult appeared.

Abraham Charlson's age is often put at lower than that attributed to him in all the contemporary accounts. Whilst all the primary sources have him as 16 years of age, here and there one reads he was actually 12 years of age (although not, it must be noted, in any of the standard secondary sources). It's possible that an account from a contemporary of Charlson has been embroidered: Prentice (1851, p.57) quotes Dr Robert Taylor, a bitter opponent of Colonel Ralph Fletcher, stating that Charlson "was a boy so young and childish that he called on his mother for help at the time of his execution, thinking she had the power to save him" (a not uncommon response of grown men facing certain death, let alone 16 year-olds).

By 1883, William Axon's 'Lancashire Gleanings' stated that "it has been said that [Charlson] was in reality only 12 years old". In his account, Axon also says 'local tradition' said Charlson was 'a cripple' who perched on someone's shoulders and used his crutch to smash the window of  the Westhoughton Mill (possibly confusing Charlson with another of those executed, James Smith, who was disabled and walked with crutches). Axon has Charlson in the hands of the hangman crying out "Oh, mammy, mammy!".

There is no evidence that I am aware of that Charlson was 12 years of age - in any case, his execution at age 16 was bad enough as it is.

26th May 1812: The trial of the Westhoughton Luddites at Lancaster Special Commission

At 8.00 a.m. on Tuesday 26th May 1812, the prisoners accused of the taking part in the destruction of Westhoughton Mill stood trial at the Lancaster Special Commission.

Fourteen prisoners stood trial for arson: 10 men, 2 boys of 15 & 16, one 15 year-old girl & one 19 year-old woman. All of the accused were identified by those who worked at the Mill.

Job Fletcher (aged 34) was seen amongst the group that had marched from Chowbent to Westhoughton - it was alleged by a witness that he said to them about Westhoughton Mill "take notice, that yonder devil is not on fire before three hours are over". James Smith (aged 31), walking on crutches, was seen heading up the mob. Later, Smith was said to be active in inciting those gathered to destroy the mill, and was also seen throwing stones at the windows.

Abraham Charlson, (aged 16), was said to be armed with a scythe, which he used to attack the window frames. He was also accused of fetching straw from a nearby public house which was used to eventually set light to the Mill.

Another boy, 15 year-old John Bromilow, was participating in the destruction of the Mill, but was pulled away by his mother.

Thomas Kerfoot (aged 26) was said to be amongst the mob, shouting and breaking windows - it was alleged that it was he that first cried out "set fire to it".

Two sisters, Lydia & Mary Molyneux, 15 & 19 respectively, were said to be extremely active, one using a muck hook and another a coal pick to break the windows. They were alleged to have cursed the souls of those who worked at the factory, with Mary crying out "set fire to it". When the rioters gained entry, both of them were observed clapping encouragement and shouting "now lads!".

The defence argued that the indictment was flawed: they suggested that the description of the building as a mill was in error, since that description should apply to a place where corn or similar was ground. Similar arguments were advanced about the other description offered - warehouse and loom shop - but the Judges over-ruled the objection.

Alibis were offered for several prisoners, alongside attestations as to good character. The trial lasted 12 hours.

The Jury deliberated for an hour before returning their verdict at 9.00 p.m.: Thomas Kerfoot, Job Fletcher, Abraham Charlson & James Smith were found guilty. John Bromilow, William Kay, Bold Haworth, John Shuttleworth, John Charlson, Mary Molyneux, Lydia Molyneux, Samuel Radcliffe, Robert Woodward and Adam Bullough were acquitted.

9th May 1812: More prisoners committed to Lancaster & Chester Castles

The Lancaster Gazette of 9th May 1812 gave a list of prisoners recent committed to both Lancaster and Chester Castles for their alleged part in the disturbances in the respective counties:

Rioters committed and sent off to Lancaster by the magistrates of Manchester.—John Howard, Nathanial Hilton, Richard Sothern, John Atkinson, John Lee, Thomas Hoyle, Henry Ashton, Phoebe Smith, Hannah Smith, John Oakes, Samuel Crossley, and Thomas Brookes; the three last from Worsley.

John Bird has been committed, but not yet sent off.

Jos. Thompson has been committed to Chester, charged with being concerned in the tumults at Mr. Goodair’s house, at Stockport.

25th April 1812: Bolton Magistrates give list of those arrested for Westhoughton Riot to Home Office

Bolton 25th. April 1812.

Sir,

We have this day Committed to his Majestys Gaol the Castle of Lancaster Thomas Kerfoot James Smith. John Charlson – Mary Molyneux and Lydia Molyneux charged with wilfully and maliciously & unlawfully setting Fire to and burning the Weaving Mill, Warehouses and Loop Shop of Messrs Rowe and Duncough at Westhoughton with intent to injure the said Messrs Rowe & Duncough in the Riot of yesterday. The offence with which they are charged comes under the statute of 43d. Geo: 3d. Cap: 58—

We have the honor to be, Sir,

Your mt. Obt hble Servts

Ra: Fletcher
Wm. Hulton
Wm. Hampson

24th April 1812: Westhoughton Mill attacked and destroyed by fire

The Mill at Westhoughton in Lancashire was huge concern locally. It held nearly 200 Looms, powered by a steam engine, and had been operating in this fashion for about 4 years, after being leased to Thomas Rowe & James Duncough.

The Mill had been guarded by the military since the riots in nearby Bolton on 20th April, but the unit stationed there left on the 22nd April. Although the military had left 12 muskets behind for the workforce to use to guard the Mill, on Friday 24th April, they themselves had become so alarmed that something might happen that they left the Mill early. The superintendent stopped the steam engine and sent for help to Bolton.

Responding to this alarm, a party of Scots Greys under Captain Bullen stationed at Bolton arrived at the mill at noon. But all being quiet in the vicinity, Bullen decided it was a hoax. He made it clear, that he would not return without the instructions of the magistrate and Lord Lieutenant, William Hulton, and the party of cavalry returned to Bolton.

Between 3 and 4 p.m., a group of up to 50 people were seen passing through nearby Chowbent (now called Atherton). They were carrying all kinds of basic weapons: pitchforks, bill-hooks, scythes and even sticks.

By 4 p.m., the Mill manager had himself grown so alarmed by the prospect of something happening that he decided to head to Bolton to retrieve the military to guard the Mill. Having locked the doors and mounted his horse, he saw a large crowd of people converging on the Mill. With angry shouts and cries directed at him, he decided to ride away as fast as he could. The crowd lingered until at 5 p.m., when the group from Chowbent joined them.

The destruction at Westhoughton then began in earnest. Stones and bricks were thrown by the crowd, breaking many of the windows. Two very young women were particularly active, breaking the remaining windows with picks and other implements they had brought. A young boy was armed with a scythe and used it to break some of the windows. Many were calling for the mill to be set on fire.

The doors to the mill were eventually broken open, and a light obtained from a nearby house - straw from a barn nearby was brought to use as kindling to start a fire properly, to which was added cloth from the looms. Before long, the fire had taken hold and was out of control.

The Scotch Greys eventually arrived back at the Mill, but not until 45 minutes after the destruction was complete and the roof had collapsed in. The value of the damage varied, but in a letter written just 2 days after the attack, Colonel Ralph Fletcher put it at £6000.

Afterwards, the owners quit the town for good and Power Looms didn't return to Westhoughton for 30 years.

22nd April 1812: Third and final day of food rioting in Manchester

Charles Walker, a farmer, had left his home at Wootton in Staffordshire on Tuesday 21st April 1812 to sell a 3 1/2 cwt load of butter in Manchester the following day. He stopped overnight at Bullock Smithy (now Hazel Grove) near Stockport, before heading into Manchester the following morning.

Having sold some of his butter in Manchester, he was at a shop in Ardwick trying to sell some more when he was surrounded by about 10 people. An older woman spoke to him, enquiring how much he sold his butter for: he told her, 15 pence per pound. The woman made it clear that that was too high, she wanted less. Walker asked her what she would be prepared to offer, and she told him 1 shilling (i.e. 12 pence). Walker felt intimidated and agreed to sell her a pound. He got in his cart, and started to drive away to the outskirts. He soon noticed he was being followed - when he looked around, he saw about 100 people running after him.

After travelling a mile, the crowd caught up with Walker and stopped him. By this time, 200 to 300 people were surrounding his cart. They all wanted his butter at a shilling per pound. Walker offered only the contents of one basket - around 30lb - but the crowd wanted the lot, a threatened to upturn his cart if he didn't comply. He sold all of the butter in the cart at 1 shilling per pound. At one point, the woman who had challenged him in Ardwick earlier had got onto the cart to assist. She later carried off 20lb of butter into the crowd to sell it at the autoreduced price. The crowd later allowed Walker to drive his by now empty cart away.

Reaching Bullock Smithy again, he found that he had £14, 12 shillings - £9, 18 shillings short of what he had wanted to sell his butter for.

21st April 1812: Attack on Burton's Mill at Middleton - Day 2

After the disorder and resulting slaughter that had taken place at Middleton in the daytime on Monday, in the evening the crowd had not just gone home quietly. The Leeds Mercury reported that "Monday night was occupied with rallying ... scattered forces and obtaining an accession of strength".

Samuel Bamford proceeded early to his job in Manchester, thereby missing what was to come.

Early on Tuesday 21st, the crowds had gathered again, only this time they were out in greater numbers. They had been augmented by a large number of Colliers from Hollinwood and Saddleworth, some of whom were carrying shotguns, and most of whom had brought their pickaxes. At 10.00 a.m. that morning, these men had called at the arms depot of the Oldham Local Militia, with the Adjutant William Chippindale had again anticipated an assault on the building, and although the crowd collected there had looked like they would mount an assault, they again changed their minds and instead looted gun powder from nearby shops, before proceeding to Middleton. Others with them carried all kinds of weapons, even scythes mounted on poles.

Scouting parties had detected the presence of the military at Burton's mill and whilst a presence was kept up outside it, other tactics were employed. The houses of some of those workers who had decided to side with Burton and against their class the previous day, and were not at home now, had their houses plundered of furniture, which was then piled up in the streets and set alight. Bamford said that "In this manner the furniture of one cottage at Back-o'th'-brow, and that of two others at the Club houses was destroyed." The Colliers from Oldham and Hollinwood used their tools to destroy the end wall of one such house, and we know the names of three of Burton's assassins whose homes were attacked: Benjamin Cooke, James Kay and Edward Taylor. The Colliers were next called away to nearby Rhodes to help out with another plan about to be implemented.

Emanuel Burton's house, a mansion called Park House at Parkfield, had been abandoned by the family after the happenings of the previous day. At 1.00 p.m, a crowd of 200 people proceeded to comprehensively loot it, as Bamford describes:

"the mob immediately ransacked the cellars and larder, the younger ones crunching lumps of loaf sugar or licking out preserve jars, whilst the older hands tapped the beer barrels and the spirit bottles, or devoured the choice but substantial morsels of the pantry or store-room. This part of the business having been accomplished, the work of destruction commenced, and nearly every article of furniture was irretrievably broken."

Bamford goes on to describe how, inside the house, two "dark-haired and handsomely formed" "Amazonian damsels" called Clem and Nan, apparently the daughters of an old weaver who lived on the outskirts, then escalated the matter:

"Come," said one to the other, “let's put a finish to this job,” and taking up a shred which lay on the floor, she lighted it at the fire which had been left burning in the grate. In a moment the sofa was on fire; the sofa set the curtains in a blaze, and sofa and curtains communicated the flames to the floor and window, and at the expiration of probably half an hour not a beam nor a board remained unconsumed in the whole building.

The Lancaster Gazette later stated the damage to be around £2000, which included the barn and stables (a week later, the Hereford Journal raised this to £3000). The crowd waited until the roof had fallen in and then proceeded another quarter of a mile. They had the same fate in mind for the home of Daniel Burton, at nearby Rhodes, and demanded meat and drink from those in the house. Apparently, they spent 90 minutes eating and drinking, and managed to consume 2 barrels of ale kept in the house.The crowd gathered around it was eventually dispersed by the returned Scots Greys, who Colonel Clay at Manchester had dispatched at about 2.00 p.m., and no damage was done.

It seemed that in certain parts of Manchester, word had got out about Middleton, and some were prepared to lend a hand. Colonel Fletcher's spy John Bent, reported that he had heard that the same afternoon, up to 427 mainly Irish workers in the Boardman Square district, many armed with pistols and swords, were prepared to head to Middleton, but were held back by their 'leaders'.

Both William Chippindale and the Lieutenant Colonel John Lees of the Oldham Local Militia went on to recount to the Home Office other activities apparently being conducted in Middleton that day. They described how a number of "revolutionary Jacobins" were about town wherever there were large numbers of people as well as in all the public houses. They were equipped with large ruled sheets of paper, at the top of which was an illegal oath, and they were collecting names of those who wished to take part in a rising against government on the 4th May. However it is hard to find these accounts convincing, especially as they seem motivated to procure military aid fearing similar occurences in Oldham as had taken place in Middleton and other towns.

Colonel Clay later reported to the Home Office that the crowd outside Burton's mill
quickly dispersed upon the appearance of the Scots Greys, but many took up positions on higher ground as well as in the Church Yard, and those with firearms proceeded to fire on the military. After apparently having three vollies of shots directed at them in this way the Cumberland Militia set about returning fire, killing several people. The Greys then proceeded to "clear every point they occupied", killing and wounding even more. Samuel Bamford again described some of the victims and how they died:

"A man named John Nield, from Oldham, was shot through the body by one of the Greys whilst attempting to escape near Alkrington Hall; another man was shot by one of the Greys, and left for dead, near Tonge Lane; a woman, also, who was looking through her own window, was fired at by another of the same party, and a bullet went through her arm. But a Serjeant of the Militia earned deathless execration by shooting an old man, named Johnson, from Oldham. Johnson had never been nearer to the mob or the factory than the Church public house, where he had sat in the kitchen with the family, and had smoked his pipe and drunk a glass or two of ale. Towards evening, when it was supposed that all the disturbance was over, he strolled into the churchyard, and was standing with his hands in his coat pockets, reading the inscription on a grave-stone at the steeple end, when a Serjeant and private of the Militia, having ascended the Warren, caught sight of him from mongst the trees; the Serjeant went down on one knee, levelled, fired, and killed the old man dead, the ball passing through his neck."

The Leeds Mercury said that in addition to these deaths, "a great number" were wounded. William Chippindale attested that "the country about Middleton is strewed with killed and wounded." 17 people were arrested.

By 6.00 p.m. the crowds had dispersed.

Heading home from Manchester, Samuel Bamford described what he saw "individuals on the road who were returning to Manchester with fragments of picture frames and mahogany goods in their hands."

It is hard to establish the true number of dead. A week later, the Times said that the toll was 12 dead and between 60-100 wounded. This is unsurprising given another statistic quoted in the same paper - that between 2000-3000 rounds of ammunition had been fired by the military.

But is possible to piece together other names of the dead and statistics about them which seem to have been missed from the most regularly referred to works. The Morning Chronicle of 28th April adds Thomas Jackson, 20 year-old a hatter from Oldham and John Johnson, a joiner.

The Chronicle also adds a weaver called John Sudwell of Ratcliff (i.e. Radcliffe), but this may be the same man named by Bamford, if spelled slightly differently (Bamford has John Siddall of Radcliffe Bridge). The same publicaton also has a Daniel Knott from Oldham, rather than Bamford's David Knott, a 21 year-old glazier. Again, it could be a different man. The Chronicle also informs us that the George Albison mentioned by Bamford was called Albinson, a 19 year-old weaver.

Regarding the wounded, the Chronicle reported that a week later, the only person who could be "ascertained with certainty" was a weaver called James Taylor, son of an Abraham Taylor of Oldham, and that he was believed to be mortally wounded at that time. But this contrasts with the Times dramatic figures, likely to be true given the number of rounds of ammunition fired. The Derby Mercury of 30th April had 27 wounded, 9 of them 'very severely'.

On the 29th April, the Hereford Journal reported that "a number of dead bodies had been found in the adjoining woods" (Prentice says that 2 were found there), and gave a new death toll of between 25 and 30 people. All of this was after the Coroner's inquest, which took place only a day after the second attack of the Mill, on Wednesday 22nd April and found that the slaughter was 'justifiable homicide'.

Writing at 11.00 p.m. on the 21st, Colonel Clay reported to the Home Office that "none of the military were hurt". Given the toll exacted on the people of Middleton, one can only add more's the pity.

The next day, the Burton's issued a notice: "D. Burton and Sons have determined not to work their looms any more."

And so the objective of the weavers at Middleton was achieved, but not without further cost. Burton dismissed 400 workers, many of whom subsequently left the town within a few days.

It is ironic that when we think of Luddism, the tragedy of the 2 dead men (and possibly a further 3) at Rawfolds in West Yorkshire always springs to mind. But what occurred at Middleton over those 2 days was of an order of magnitude that is, by contrast, almost quietly forgotten.

The Leeds Mercury of 25th April engaged in classic Liberal hand-wringing, despairing:

"For many years the military of this country have been solely employed against our foreign enemies; but now, unfortunately, they are under the necessity of acting against their own misled countrymen, and the tranquility of the country is only imperfectly preserved even at the point of a bayonet!"

But the lesson for the authorities would be that they had to tighten their grip on the North. Contrasted with his scaremongering tales of Jacobins on the street corners making big lists of names, William Chippindale did make one salient point:

"If more military be not sent into the country, they will not be called upon to prevent it, but will be required to reconquer it."

20th April 1812: Second day of serious rioting in Manchester

On Monday 20th April 1812, they was serious rioting in Manchester, only 2 days after a food riot in the Shudehill and New Cross area.

The Times reported that the areas around New Cross, Ancoats and Knott Mill were the site for much of the rioting, with the crowd carrying away meal, flour and potatoes.

The proceedings had actually begun as early as 9.00 a.m., where a woman was seen to be stopping potato carts and encouraging a crowd to take all the produce. The same woman then unscrewed the side so that the load tipped out over the road, and helped herself to as many as she could carry in her apron before running away. Many others then followed her example. Subsequently, many of the shops in the area were shut, particularly around Oldham Street.

The rioting continued throughout the day and into the late afternoon. As well as plain expropriation, auto-reduction was much in evidence. A crowd of 200 people persuaded a Mr Lomas to sell his stock of provisions at a loss. By 2.00 p.m., the same woman who had been foremost amongst the rioters earlier in the day was stopping butter carts and horses bringing milk into town, and demanding they auto-reduce their prices: they were offered 1 shilling per pound for butter and 2d per quart for milk and told that if they did not like these prices, the produce would simply be taken. Threatened with a constable, the women retorted she would have him hanged if he dared to intervene. At Miles Platting, a meal cart on it's way to Oldham was overturned, and the contents carried away.

At 5.30 p.m. on Deansgate a shopkeeper called John Holland saw a large crowd proceeding up the street. He ran into his shop and shut the door, locking and bolting it for good measure. He and his family stood with their backs against the door, whilst the crowd gathered outside and demanded that he open up. As the anger increased at Holland's refusal to obey them, a man from the crowd began to kick the door with greater and greater force. another man came up with a piece of wood and before long the door yielded to their collected blows, with the windows being smashed in concert. The crowd now descended on the shop, and threw all of the provisions outside, taking away and distributing 2 tubs of potatoes from the front. Holland then attempted to close the shutters on the outside of the shop, but was severely beaten by the crowd. The military and constables eventually arrived to disperse the crowd, but only after the shop had been emptied of it's contents. Holland later estimated the loss of stock to be between £7-8.

The Riot Act was eventually read, and military dispersed the crowds, eventually arresting 5 women and 3 men.

18th April 1812: First Manchester food riot

On Saturday 18th April, the first of 3 days of food rioting commenced in Manchester.

The disturbances began just after the commencement of the potato market at Shudehill. Large numbers of people began to congregate, becoming increasingly restless: one witness recorded in the Chester Courant (via the Manchester Mercury) estimated the numbers of people collected were as high as 12,000.

The rioting began in earnest between 1.00 and 2.00 p.m. At the market around New Cross and Shudehill, the whole of the meat put out for sale was seized by the crowd and carried away, along with some of the stocks of potatoes, many of which were pelted at the dealers to drive them from the market. Many women were involved in the autoreduction of the price of goods that had not been stolen, chiefly potatoes, which they demanded be sold at 8 shillings per load (252 lbs), rather than the asking price of 14 to 15 shillings.

The rioters had the run of town for at least an hour, and by 3.00 p.m. both Cavalry and Infantry soldiers stationed in Manchester had begun to patrol the streets and disperse the crowds. Corn warehouses were under military guard, and all of the shops were shut up.

The military having regained control of the market, they actually facilitated the auto-reduction of prices, with the Leeds Mercury reporting that dealers were encouraged to sell their potato stocks "at the reduced price of nine, ten, and eleven shillings per load." Prentice (1851, p.52) says that many received the price they wanted of 8 shillings per load, but were only sold small quantities.

By evening, several women had been arrested and at least one person had been killed by the Scots Greys, a notorious regiment that would go on to kill many across the region in the next couple of days.

The weekly regular market day in Manchester was only 2 days away.