30th June 1816: Journeymen Clothworkers of West of England appeal to the Prince Regent for aid

June 30, 1816

That Wee the Journiman Clothworkers of the west of England do humbly beg that your Royal Highness will be so good as to take into Consideration the Distresses of your Petitioners wich are now labouring under the greatest Distress owing to Mechinery and that your Petitioners that have for so many years been out Fiting for your Royal Highness and old England do feel them selves greatly Injured by the use of Mechinery and that your Petitioners was greatly in hopes that when it Pleased the Allmighty to send a peace that we Should have a Trade to Come home to but how shocking was the Change when we Came to our nation home to find so many Poor Pepol out of Employ and it is Distressing to see so many out of work and are now at this Present moment lying in the streets of Bradford and Trowbridge and its Neighbourhood and in time of war there was no giggs nor Frames at Trowbridge but [illegible] to relate it is now Increasin Every Day and that your Petitioners have nothing to support themselves and their Familys but the small sum the Parish will alow and that is but very little Indeed and it was agreed [illegible] to your Petitioners when they Heard the sound of Peace but now they are Compelld to wish for another war to keep from Starving wich will be certainly be the Case if your Royal Highness and the Royal House do not take it into Consideration so we your humble Petitioners do most humbly beg of your Royal Highness to do something further as your Petitioners requires nothing but to live BY their Labour after serving Seven years Aprenticeship

[To] His Royal Highness
The Prince Regent

With Speed London

23rd May 1816: Threatening letter sent to the Prince Regent, "If this is Peace, we must earnestly wish for War"

May it please your Royal Highness

Without something is done to the Benifit of the Working People & the Public at large, and that soon your Life will not only be in the most imminent Danger but the Lives of several others, who enjoy themselves now, by oppressing the poorer sort of People, there are many thousands, in this metropolis almost starving and not being able to get any employ, and those that have, in (consequence of their Wages) being lowered, and all sorts of Provision being Rose, to an extravagant degree. If this is Peace, we must earnestly wish for War, not but very soon we shall have something worse, then a Civil War in our own Country. take warning by this & take care of yourself.—

I have this to tell you (by the express wish you were with the 3000 Associates) that you may guard yourself as much as you Please but the Blow will come when you least expect it.—

May 23 1816.—

To his
Royal Highness the Prince Regent
Carlton House
Pall Mall

6th March 1815: Threatening letter sent to the Prince Regent about the Corn Bill

To Inform your Royal Highness that you are well beloved by the Nation as the Divel Loves Holywatter They wishes you all manner of Bad Luck Since you Sign the Corn Bill They wish that you May Never have The use of that hand to Sign any More Bills and wish you May Never Enjoy a Days Health as Long as you Live for you are an Enemy to the Poor and we all wish to be the Bellingham as Soon as Possible and wish Mr Bonaparte had you in this Claws and Castlereagh Likewise and that Damd Robertson and Several more I Can mention I wish you all a good Bellingham and that Verry Soon Sooner the Better its all Ready see you as Soon as tis Convenient I wish the first Bit of Bread May Choak you and to Inform your Royal Highness That it is the Nations wish that you may be Damd and we Shall be Hangd for we May as well be Hangd as to Starve for want of Bread for hear is No Trade for the Poor and when the Bread Rises what are we to do Then as we Can harly Live Now, I Should die Happy if I have But My Revenge [on?] you first from one of your Well Wishers, I Conclude

[Illegible] March 6th 1815

[To his Royal Highness the Prince Regent]

29th January 1814: The informer, Benjamin Walker, writes to the Prince Regent to secure a reward

May it please your Royal Highness

To bear with one of the most Unworthy of all your Subjects who has already shared in your mercyfull Clemency for which I whish wish forever to be profoundly greatfull tho at the present I am A distrest object of Universal contempt and Disgrace – from April 28th to May 2nd 1812 the London Gazette Announced his Royal Highness the Prince Regent in behalf of His Majesty Promised to the person that would give information that would lead to the conviction of those fellons who in open day Malishously put an End to the life of Mr Wm Horsfall of Marsdin Near Huddersfield in the County of York cloth Merchant — The Kings most Gratious Pardon and A reward of Two Thousand pounds – I Benjamin Walker who to My Shame was one of the four fellons Voluntarily came forwards to divulge the awfull [evil] which did more than Convicted my fellows and Equals it was the first [illegible] leading to disclose the terable conspiricy which directed its forse against you and the tolerant Government under which we live but as yet I have not Got any reward I have apply’d to Mr Peace the Treasurer of the committee of Huddersfield and he has allways Evaded the demand I am at a loss now where to apply Except where the promise was made and the want of an Education and Qualified maners allmost confounds me and I umbly request your attention to my Case and sincearly pray you will overlook the Audatious offencis which may be seen in these times I have represented my Case in the Best way I can and would Umbly subscribe myself

Your most obedient
Servant
Benjn Walker

Newsom Near Huddersfield
Jany 29—1814 —

1st February 1813: The Prince Regent issues a Proclamation condemning Luddism and supporting machinery

By His Royal Highness The PRINCE of WALES, REGENT of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in the Name and on the Behalf of His Majesty.

A PROCLAMATION.

GEORGE P. R.

Whereas we have beheld, with the deepest regret, the during outrages committed in those parts of England wherein some of the most important manufactures of the realm, have been for a longtime carried on: And being firmly persuaded that such outrages have been, in a great degree, occasioned by the wicked misrepresentations and artifices of ill-designing persons, who have deluded the ignorant and unwary, through the specious pretext of procuring additional employment and increased wages for the labouring manufacturers, by the destruction of the various kinds of machinery now most beneficially employed in the manufactures of this kingdom, and have thus seduced them to enter into unlawful associations, and to bind their consciences by oaths and engagements not less injurious to their own welfare, than destructive of the good order and happiness of society; and seeing that the extent and progress of the trade and manufactures of this country, which have been continually advanced by the invention and improvement of machinery, afford the best practical demonstration of the falsehood of all such pretexts; we, therefore, acting in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, being anxious by every means in our power to bring back his majesty's misguided subjects to a just sense of their own individual interests, as well as of their duty to his majesty, and of the regard which they owe to the welfare of the community, have thought fit, by the advice of his majesty's privy council, to issue this proclamation; and we do hereby, in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, exhort all his majesty's loving subjects strenuously to exert themselves in their several stations to prevent the recurrence of those atrocious combinations and crimes, by which the public peace has been so long disturbed, and the persons and property of individuals endangered and destroyed, and which have so justly drawn down upon the offenders the severest penalties of the law. And we do more especially warn those, who may be exposed to such seductions, against the danger of binding themselves by illegal oaths and engagements to obey the commands of secret directors, who, keeping themselves aloof, involve their deluded associates in all the guilt and peril of violence, robbery, and murder. And we do further, in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, earnestly recommend and enjoin his majesty's loving subjects, whenever it shall be found necessary, to have recourse to the salutary measures which the wisdom of parliament has provided for the protection of persons and property. And we do further exhort the proprietors of machinery, not to be deterred from continuing the use and employment of the same, but vigilantly and strenuously to exert themselves in the maintenance and defence of their property, and in the prosecution of their lawful and meritorious callings, in the full persuasion that due watchfulness and resolution, exhibited in the first instance on their own part, will, as has been proved by recent experience, most effectually prevent or repel such unlawful aggressions. And we do, further, in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, charge and command all sheriffs, justices of the peace, mayors, bailiffs, constables and other civil officers, to continue their utmost vigilance and activity for the preservation of peace and good order, the prevention of nightly and other unlawful meetings of ill-designing and wicked men, and for the defence of his majesty's peaceable and industrious subjects from the secret machinations and open attacks of the violators of private property, and the disturbers of the public tranquillity: trusting, as we do, that by the constant and active exertions of all well-disposed men, the misguided may be reclaimed, and the mischievous kept in awe, without the necessity of recurring to the chastisements of the law, which it will be our duty, as guardian of the general peace and prosperity of the realm, strictly to enforce, if unhappily the renewal of such atrocities, as we have lately had to deplore, should again call for the infliction of just and exemplary punishment.

Given at the Court at Carlton House, this first day of February 1813, in the 53rd year of His Majesty's reign.

GOD Save The KING.

18th January 1913: The Prince Regent issues a new Proclamation offering an amnesty for those 'twisted in'

By His Royal Highness The PRINCE of WALES, REGENT of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in the Name and on the Behalf of His Majesty.

A PROCLAMATION.

GEORGE P. R.

Whereas it hath been represented unto us, that divers unfortunate and misguided persons, who have been induced by the artifices of wicked and designing men to take some oath or engagement, contrary to the acts of parliament in that behalf made in the 37th and 52nd years of his majesty's reign, or one of those acts, or to steal ammunition, fire arms, and other offensive weapons, for the purpose of committing acts of violence and outrage against the persons and property of his majesty's peaceable and faithful subjects, and who are not yet charged with such their offences, may be willing and desirous to make a disclosure or confession of such their offences, and to take the oath of allegiance to his majesty, upon receiving an assurance of his majesty's most gracious pardon for such their offences; We, therefore, acting in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, being willing to give such assurance upon such conditions as are hereinafter mentioned, and earnestly hoping that the example of the just and necessary punishments which have been inflicted in the counties of Lancaster, Chester, and York, upon certain offenders lately tried and convicted in those counties, may have the salutary effect of deterring all persons from following the example of their crimes by a renewal of the like atrocities, have thought fit, by and with the advice of his majesty's privy council, to issue this proclamation; and as an encouragement and inducement to his majesty's misguided subjects to relinquish all disorderly practices, and return to their due and faithful allegiance to his majesty, we do hereby, acting in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, promise and declare, that every person not having been charged with any of the offences hereinbefore mentioned, who shall, previous to the first day of March next ensuing, appear before some justice of the peace or magistrate, and declare his offence, and the oath or engagement by him taken, and when and where the same was taken, and in what manner, or the ammunition, fire arms, or other offensive weapons by him stolen, and when, where, and from whom the same were stolen, and the place where the same were deposited, and also, according to the best of his knowledge and belief, the place where the same may be found, and who shall at the same time take before such justice of the peace or magistrate the oath of allegiance to his majesty, shall receive his majesty's most gracious pardon for the said offence; and that no confession so made by any such person shall be given in evidence against the person making the same in any court or in any case whatever.

Given at the Court at Carlton House, the 18th day of January 1813, in the 53rd year of His Majesty's reign.

GOD Save The KING.

29th June 1812: The House of Commons debates the Prince Regent's message about the disturbances

Following the reading of the Prince Regent's message in the House of Commons 2 days before, on Monday 29th June 1812, the House of Commons debated the government proposals:

Lord Castlereagh brought up a large sealed packet of papers by order of the Prince Regent, being the information to which his Royal Highness had in his Message alluded, and which he stated should be laid before parliament.

Lord Castlereagh then rose and said, that the course of proceedings which he should recommend, would render it unnecessary for him now to trouble the House at any length that upon this important subject. He should first propose that the House should expresses its thanks to the Prince Regent for the Message his Royal Highness had sent, and should give its assurances that no time should be lost in taking the subject into consideration, by instituting such proceedings as might be deemed expedient. His lordship’s next proposition would be, that the papers here just laid upon the table should be referred to a Committee of Secrecy, not for the purpose of recommending any measures to the House, but merely of examining the private information communicated, of laying the substance of it before parliament, in such a form as would give the House a distinct and fair view of the actual state of the disturbances which had so long subsisted in the interior. By the Message the Prince Regent, however, it was by no means intended that government should be discharged from the burden of submitting to the country their opinion upon the subject, and of bringing forward such measures as to them appeared likely to correct the evil. His lordship would not now enter into these topics; since, after the committee should have reported, a much more fit opportunity would be afforded; and as nothing could be more injurious than that the matter should be prematurely discussed, so nothing could be more advantageous than that it should be fully and fairly investigated, that the opinions of all might be ascertained, and if possible accommodated. At present any disclosure even of the general outline of the plan proposed by ministers to be pursued, would only serve to excite feelings far better suppressed, and to lead to discussions far better postponed. His lordships reluctance did not arise from any unwillingness, or fear in exposing what course ministers would suggest, but it originated in an opinion that neither the House or the country being in possession of the fact, were not prepared for any measures founded upon those facts. On a former day an hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Brougham) had adverted to delay, of which he accused government of being guilty in not calling for the aid of parliament at an earlier period of the session. His lordship felt confident that he should be able to persuade the House that it was to be attributed to a justifiable reluctance to solicit other aid, while there remained a hope that the established laws of the constitution would be found adequate to the exigency. With regard to what had fallen from the same individual as to the Call of the House, his lordship was prepared in a way that, he trusted, would prove satisfactory to the House, to shew, that previous to the discharge of the Call, ministers were not in possession of such intelligence as would authorize them in resorting to the legislature: he was also ready, at the proper time, to detail to the House those particular circumstances which had subsequently occurred, to induce them to take the step which they had now adopted. Of this his lordship was certain, that in government there was no disposition to shun the discussion of the subject before, or to be deprived of the assistance of a full attendance, but the hon. gentleman himself would recollect that on Friday, the day after the Call was discharged, he (lord Castlereagh) stated to the House that he should be authorized to make a communication to it on this subject. His lordship concluded by proposing, “That an humble Address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, to return his Royal Highness the Thanks of this House for his most gracious Message, and to assure his Royal Highness that this House will immediately take into their most serious consideration the subject recommended to them in his Royal Highness's Message, and will adopt such steps as may appear to them best calculated to afford security to the lives and properties of his Majesty's peaceable and loyal subjects in the disturbed districts, and for the restoration of order and tranquillity.”

Mr Whitbread said, that he did not rise to oppose the motion. He professed his ardent wish that the noble lord would, as he asserted, be able satisfactorily to shew why he suffered the Call to be discharged before he made any communication to the House: as affairs now stood such conduct appeared to require a very ample apology to the peaceable inhabitants of this country. He sincerely hope that after the Secret Committee should have been appointed to report upon the papers sealed and delivered at the bar this day, it would be found at no extraordinary measures were necessary, and as the noble lord had deprecated discussion, so he (Mr. W.) deprecated any ill-advised attempt to do good from which so much injury might ensue. Examples from our own and from the history of other countries were not wanting to shew with what extreme caution we should proceed, and, profiting by dear-bought experience, he trusted that the subject would be discussed without passion, and decided without precipitation. After the whole matter should have been investigated, he could not avoid indulging a sanguine hope that it would be found that the law of the country, as it now stands, properly executed, and that the power of the crown, as it now stands, properly exercised, were quite adequate to the restoration of tranquillity.

Mr Wilberforce entirely participated in the hope, that nothing would be found in the documents laid upon the table to call for any extraordinary measures. He would not allow himself even to express an opinion, lest it might give rise to feelings that ought to be banished from all minds, that might produce dissent instead of union, for the accomplishment of an object of the greatest magnitude. Not being at all acquainted with the nature the papers supplied, and not having been present on Saturday when the message was brought down, he was, perhaps, of all men the least competent offer any thing to the house, but he could not avoid rising to express a wish, that the utmost calmness and moderation might be observed in the deliberation. Nearly connected as he was with a district of the country most disturbed, he felt it necessary to conjure the House, that the case of these unfortunate and misguided people might be fully and candidly weighed, that the result might be the restoration of order, unanimity, prosperity, and happiness.

The question was then put, and the resolution was agreed to, nem. con.

Lord Castlereagh then moved, that the papers he had presented, should be referred to a committee, that it be a committee of secrecy, and that the number of members be 21; which were severally ordered. His lordship likewise moved, that the members be chosen by ballot.

Mr Whitbread protested against this mode of proceeding, since it would give the noble lord the appointment of every member of the committee. He wished that the members of it should be publicly named and chosen, that the House, and not the noble lord, might have the formation of the committee.

Lord Castlereagh persisted in his motion, since he was certain that on no side of the House on such a question would party feelings be exercised; he was convinced that it would be treated by parliament in a manner, which while it did it honour, would give satisfaction to the people.

Sir F. Burdett, looking at the precedents to which the hon. gentleman had referred, could not help feeling great jealousy as to the conduct of government; he hoped that the bounds of the constitution would not a-new be transgressed by them. The mode in which the committee was formed, if the satisfaction of the people were looked to, was of the utmost importance. It ought to be of such a description that the country would place reliance on upon its wisdom and impartiality, and not to be merely composed of the creatures of ministerial nomination.

The question that the committee be chosen by ballot was then put and carried, though there were a number of dissentient voices.

On the question that members prepare lists, and appear to-morrow to put them into the classes appointed for their reception,

Mr Whitbread declared that he should not attend for that purpose, as experience had shewn that it would be useless, since any list he might prepare would be smothered in the vast heap of names supplied by the noble lord and his political friends.

It was ordered that the papers communicated by the Prince Regent should remain sealed until the apartment of the committee.

29th June 1812: The House of Lords debates the Prince Regent's message about the disturbances

Following the reading of the Prince Regent's message in the House of Lords 2 days before, on Monday 29th June 1812, the House of Lords debated the government proposals:

Viscount Sidmouth, in rising to move an Address to his Royal Highness, trusted there would be an unanimous concurrence on the part of the lordships in expressing their gratitude for the communication, and in declaring their determination to take into consideration the documents presented to them, and to adopt such measures as the information communicated might appear to require for the safety and security of his Majesty's loyal and peaceable subjects, and the restoration of tranquillity. He should afterwards propose to refer the papers to the committee of secrecy, and it was not for him at the present moment to anticipate what measures might by that committee be deemed necessary. It was with great pain that his Majesty servants had found themselves compelled to resort to this step, but the necessity that existed, rendered it a duty imperative upon them, to advise his royal highness the Prince Regent to make the present communication to parliament. It could not of course be expected that he should now enter into any detail of those circumstances which had rendered necessary this communication. It was, however, matter of notoriety that acts of the greatest violence and outrage had been committed in some districts of the country; and although the conduct of the rioters might be, in some degree, traced to the high price of provisions and the reduction of work, still there was no doubt that these outrages were fomented by persons who had views and objects in thus fomenting disturbances, which it was the duty of government to counteract. The repeal of the Orders in Council might tend, by increasing employment, to withdraw many from this system of riot and outrage, but government would have incurred a heavy responsibility, if, with the knowledge of the documents now communicated to the House, and aware that the hopes of increased employment might be disappointed, or that it might please Providence to inflict the calamity of another deficient harvest, they are not advised is royal highness the Prince Regent to make this communication to parliament. Every measure had been adopted on the part of the government: the military had been called in to assist the civil power, and had conducted themselves with the utmost zeal and moderation; special commissions had been issued for the trial of several persons for acts of riot and outrage, some of whom had paid the forfeit of their lives; others had since been taken into custody, and been ordered for trial. But under the circumstances of the present state of the disturbed districts, is Majesty’s servants had considered this a communication absolutely necessary, in order that measures might be adopted to the security of the lives, and the safety of the property of his Majesty's peaceable and loyal subjects. It would of course rest with the committee to whom the documents were to be referred, to consider what measures were necessary: he did not, however, mean to say, that his Majesty's government had not formed an opinion as to what measures would be requisite. His lordship concluded by moving an Address to the Prince Regent, returning thanks to his Royal Highness for the communication, stating that the House would take into their serious consideration the documents referred to, and expressing their determination to concur in such measures, as, from the information communicated, might appear to be necessary, with a view to the security of the lives and property of his Majesty's peaceable and loyal subjects.

Earl Stanhope observed, that there was not a word in the proposed Address which was not very proper; but at the same time it was much to be wished, that some farther explanation of what was intended should be given; for as to the adoption of proper measures, this might mean anything or nothing: it was no explanation at all. He could not help also observing, that the noble viscount himself, by his Bill of last year, had been a great cause of discontent and disturbance; and he might thank the prudence of opposition, and of ministers—of bishops and layman—that he had not been the cause of much more disturbance. He regretted any such step as this should be necessary to restore tranquillity; but had they tried every other proper measure? Let them look at the situation of the peasantry of Ireland; of the poor of Wales; and of the non-conformists, who formed the greater part of the population of the empire. Let them endeavour to preserve tranquillity, by conciliating the people, and leaving no just cause of complaint. This would be the course of a wise government. But still these unlawful riots must be suppressed, and he had no objection to the words of the Address. He thought it right, however, to propose to add the following words,—“not violating the principles of the constitution.” This addition was necessary, considering the vague and ambiguous state in which the noble viscount had left the question.

The Earl of Liverpool did not think that their lordships would pledge themselves to do any thing tending to violate the principles of the constitution, by agreeing to the Address without the words proposed. The noble earl called for further explanation; but what farther explanation could his noble friend have given under the circumstances of the case? His noble friend had stated, that there were serious disturbances in the country, which the measures hitherto adopted had not been sufficient to suppress; and he had laid on the table a sealed bag, containing the proof of what he stated. Under such circumstances the motion to refer the information to a Secret Committee, without anticipating what might be the proper measures to be adopted in consequence, was conformable to the ordinary practice of parliament on such occasions. It would have been in the highest degree indecorous to hint at the steps which ought to be taken, before the examination of the papers. The proper measures would be the result of the investigation, founded on the information given to the committee. The ministers ought not to commit themselves to any particular measures at present. All they could regularly say at present was, that, in their opinion, some farther measures were necessary. What we should be remained for future consideration. When the noble earl talked of violating the constitution, he probably meant more than met the ear. If the noble earl meant, that it was a violation of the principles of the constitution to depart, on extraordinary occasions, from the ordinary practice of the law, he completely differed from him on that point. Parliament had the power to adopt extraordinary measures to meet extraordinary cases; and when such cases occurred, it was perfect constitutional to exercise that power. If parliament had not exercised that power on particularly emergencies, their liberties would not now have existed to such an extent as they did. This, however, was not the time for such discussions. The subject would come more regularly under consideration when the committee had made its report.

Lord Holland concurred with the noble viscount who proposed the Address, in the opinion, that it would be improper in the present stage of the proceedings, to anticipate what measures it might be proper to adopt. He also agreed with the noble earl who spoke last, that it would be much more decorous to defer discussion till the committee had made its report. But, at the same time, he saw no objection to the words proposed to be introduced in the Address by his noble friend; on the contrary, he thought, that something like this edition was requisite. They talked of not trusting to speculation, but recommended the adoption of such measures as would be calculated to meet the worst that could happen. All this was very properly urged; but, at the same time, he was an old enough member of parliament to know, that sealed green bags and secret committees threatened the generating of such monsters as the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and similar abominations. The suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act he should always oppose; and under all the circumstances in the present case, he thought it was candid and right to express at the outset, an anxiety to preserve the principles of the constitution inviolate.

Earl Stanhope agreed with his excellent and constitutional friend so far, that in no case would he consent to the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act; but more especially he would not consent to place such a power as this would furnish, in the hands of such a minister as the noble earl opposite, (Liverpool,) a Minister who had no fixed principle at all, and was more versatile than a weather-cock, turning about with every change of wind. That minister had declared, that he would adhere to the Orders in Council, and had soon after relinquished them. He declared, that he would oppose his (lord Stanhope’s) Gold Coin Bill. At five o'clock he intended to vote against it; at six o'clock he was resolved to oppose it; at seven o'clock he was still hostile to it; but in five minutes after, he suddenly held a cabinet council, and became one of its warmest supporters. Was it to such a weathercock of a prime minister that such powers should be entrusted? He had great hopes, from the opposition of the noble earl, that he would ultimately support him.

The Lord Chancellor then put the question on earl Stanhope's amendment, which was negatived; earl Stanhope declaring, that he would not divide the House upon it, as the subject would come again under consideration.

The Address was then agreed to without farther opposition.

Viscount Sidmouth next proposed that a Secret Committee should be appointed, to consider the information adverted to in the Prince Regent’s Message; that the Committee should consist of eleven lords, to be chosen by ballot; and that the House should proceed to such ballot at four o'clock to-morrow.—This was agreed to.

7th June 1812: Letter from "Tho Jones" at Bristol to the Prince Regent, London

To His Royle Highness prince Regent London


June 7 1812


You Royle Highness

I have taking Liberty of writing thies few lines To awear you what may happing to your Person and that in averry short time I am informed by sum of the Rioters in Nottingham that if you donot InDever To make peace with the Countrey and France or indever That Bread Shall Be Cheaper That thay will Blow your Braines out. and what I can learn that thay are In wait for you dayley

I remain your

Well whisher

Tho Jones Cabinet Maker

Bristol

4th June 1812: Letter from "L.." at Nottingham to the Prince Regent at Carlton House

George

The cry of your sins, is gone into the Eres of the Lord of hostes. and the day of repentance will shortly be gone by---.

The cry of your hard and unmoveable heart to the sufferings of your Poor Starving Subjects is gone into the Eres of General Lud—

Four thousand of his bravest Men (whoes lives are not worth keeping in this wretched period of your Reign) have sworn to revenge the wrongs of their countrymen and their own, if you dont stand still, and think and act differantly to what you have done —Was it ever known to your Country, (since you have had the power of acting in its behalf) that you have dropt a sentance, or done a single act which has worn the slightest appearance of Love to your Country—O Shame think of your extravegance. Think of your example—repent before the avenger of Blood put it out of your power—

Take the advice of one who wishes well


To his Country


L..


To The Prince Regiant
Nottm 4th June 1812

30th May 1812: Letter from "Teoxperoster" at Manchester tot he Prince Regent

[Postmarked: 10.00 a.m. 30 May 1812]


Sir,

If you do not look into the affairs of the Country and rescind the orders in council and make bread Cheap & dismiss your present ministers you may expect the same fate as Percival we are a long suffering people--look at the affairs at Nottingham Manchester - Chester - Liverpool the people are in a starveing State you may try to stop them rioting—you may introduce foreign soldiers--can they govern a starving people Take this hint - and reform

your obedient Servent


L[illegible] Teoxperoster


I am not a Lunatic

11th May 1812: Threatening letter sent to the Prince Regent at London

HRH The Prince Regent
Carlton House
London


Sir,

Although the Hand of justice is a little impaded by your unreasonable unjust and unfeeling Officer’s in the Manufacture=ing Towns yet perhaps your attention may soon be called another way The poor men that are in gaol (for endeavouring to obtain a bit of bread to supply the craveings of nature) and destin’d (perhaps) to Hang Yet if there be not an order Issued Immediately for their release and some provision made for their Starving family’s there is a Most Powerful and Annimated body of Men in London who are determined to Crush the Bones of their Oppressor’s as their Father's and Brother’s did the Frames

The Slighted English Servants