1st March 1813: Thomas Shillitoe visits the families of Thomas Brook, James Haigh, William Thorpe & John Ogden

On Monday, the Quaker missionary Thomas Shillitoe continued his visits to the families of the Luddites executed at York in January, accompanied by Joseph Wood:

Second-day, we bent our course to Lockwood, sat with the widow and three children of Thomas Brook, who suffered for rioting. We also had the company of his parents and two brothers: his two brothers were in York castle with him, but were discharged. This proved a heart-rending opportunity to us all: being willing, as I humbly hope I may say we were, to sit where the surviving sufferers sat, we were helped to go down into suffering with them, and thereby became qualified, through the renewal of Divine aid, to administer suitably to the need of those we sat with. Our minds were clothed with feelings of compassion for the widow and the deeply-afflicted parents, accompanied with a hope, the opportunity had made such an impression on the minds of the two young men, that it would become of lasting benefit to them. The sufferer, we were informed, had only been out once with the rioters, at which time he lost his hat, which caused his apprehension. At our parting, they endeavoured to make us sensible that our visit had been like a cordial to their minds, and they expressed the thankfulness which they felt for it. We proceeded to Huddersfield; visited the widow of James Haigh—he suffered for rioting—left no children: we found her under deep affliction. She appeared to have a clear view of our motives for taking the steps which we did, expressing, in strong terms, the gratitude she felt for our visit. Our next visit was to the parents and two sisters of [William Thorpe], who was a single man, and who suffered for the murder of the master-manufacturer: we felt deeply for the afflicted parents. Divine regard was mercifully extended in this opportunity, both to visited and visitors: that a grateful sense thereof may continue in each of our minds, was the secret prayer of my soul. It appeared a time of precious visitation to the sisters of the sufferer. In the afternoon we proceeded to Cow-cliff, to visit the widow and two children of John Ogden, who suffered for rioting. We proposed to meet her at her husband's parents, in order to have their company, and that of two of the sufferer's sisters; but we were given to understand, that the parents spurned at the idea of sitting with us. As it did not appear to me we should be warranted in so easily giving up this prospect, and apprehending I felt that in my own mind that would bear me out, in taking the widow and family with us into their cottage, my companion consenting, we did so, and took our seats amongst them. After sitting awhile together in solemn silence, we had to hand forth both caution and encouragement, especially to the poor young widow, and the sufferer's sisters: it proved to all a melting season. The parents were both confined to the house, in consequence of the melancholy event that had occurred respecting their son, and from their appearance, with that of one of their daughters, they were sinking under the weight of their afflictions. The parents, in a very feeling manner, at our parting, expressed thankfulness for our visit, and, I hope I may say, feelings of gratitude clothed my mind. The wedding of a sister of the sufferer's being kept at the adjoining cottage, apprehending it would be safest for us to make them a visit, we accordingly did so, but the men were all absent: pausing, and feeling something stirring in my mind towards the bride and her female friends, I gave way to it; the labour bestowed soon put aside all their light behaviour, which our presence at first excited; and, at our parting, novel as our visit was to them, it appeared to be kindly received. May glory abound to His praise, who is God over all, blessed for ever, and for evermore.

Where were the West Yorkshire Luddite martyrs buried - and how many were buried at all?

Memorial placards for the 17 executed Luddites, left at the execution site on 19th January 2013 (image copyright Richard Holland)

The subsequent burial of the Luddites executed on 16th January 1813 still remains largely mysterious. The funerals that did take place went unreported in the local press. Sources in the Home Office records refer to only to one burial by name, but other than that do refer to some numbers and locations. The parish records are somewhat better, yielding three burials we know took place for certain.

Among the definites are John Ogden, a 23 year-old cropper from Cowcliffe. He was buried on 18th January 1813, in the Huddersfield St Peter's Parish, with a John Coates officiating. In the margin of his burial record is written "This man was hung as a Luddite, innocent, but knowing his brother was guilty but would not inform".

An extract from the Parish record showing the burials of John Ogden & James Haigh.

Buried the following day in the same parish was the Dalton cropper James Haigh, aged 28. Again, John Coates officiated.

On the 20th, William Hartley, a 41 year-old tailor from Warley was buried in St Mary Parish, Luddenden. Thomas Sutcliffe officiated.

Moving past the parish records, one contemporary letter in the Home Office correspondence confirms another name. In a letter to General Acland, Lieutenant Cooper at Elland confirmed on 24th January that John Hill, a 36 year-old cotton spinner from Greetland, had been buried locally within the past few days. Cooper also confirmed that, in common with the burial of the Luddite Samuel Hartley at Halifax months before, the Methodist preacher refused to read service over the body, and although there was no disturbance arising from this, Cooper intimates there was much unhappiness.

The only other information in the Home Office records is about the number and/or location of bodies at different points. On the 18th January, Lieutenant-Colonel Lang at Huddersfield revealed that 'bodies' had arrived there at 6.30 p.m. on the 17th, only to be taken to Lockwood and Longroyd Bridge. We know that Thomas Brook, a 32 year-old cropper was from Lockwood and John Walker, a 31 year-old cropper, was from Longroyd Bridge.

Major Bruce at Halifax reported on the 18th January that 2 bodies had arrived there that morning and had been held in a warehouse before being taken away by their friends on carts at 11.00 a.m. - one headed to Sowerby, one to Elland. The latter was presumably John Hill, whilst the body headed for Sowerby could have been Joseph Crowther, a 31 year-old cotton spinner of that place.

On the 19th January, Lieutenant Colonel Lang reported that 3 'quiet and orderly' burials had taken place in the Huddersfield area by then.

And that is where my research leads me to at this point.

In a recent article on the Guardian's website, local historian Paul Furness states that only 7 bodies were claimed by friends or relatives, and that the rest were dissected. Whilst Hall & Kipling (1984, p.50) agree that seven bodies were claimed, the latter statement is new information, although it's not clear what the sources are that support it (NB, both these accounts would appear to be wrong - see the foot of this blog post for updated information). There could be some truth in this - in a letter of 16th January, the Huddersfield solicitor John Allison wrote to General Acland that:

"I do not expect that any of the friends of the unfortunate Men (save one or two), can afford to bring the bodies to Hudd and I conceive the Croppers will not subscribe for the purpose for they all here appear ashamed of themselves"

However, despite what Allison stated, we know from the information above that two croppers were buried for definite, with a third alluded to Lang, and that the bodies of two others were taken to Lockwood and Longroyd Bridge upon their arrival in Huddersfield. So it does look like the local Luddites could afford to take care of their dead after all.

Until further information comes to light though, it's not absolutely certain that the following Luddites were buried at all:

John Batley of Thornhill
Thomas Brook of Lockwood
Joseph Crowther of Sowerby
Jonathan Dean of Huddersfield
Joseph Fisher of Briestwhistle
James Hey of Skircoat
Job Hey of Greetland
Nathan Hoyle of Skircoat
John Swallow of Briestwhistle
John Walker of Longroyd Bridge 

NB  - since writing this article, new research has yielded more definite information about what happened to the bodies of those executed. William Knipe's 'Criminal Chronology of York Castle' (1867, pp.153-154) tells us that the bodies of all the Luddites were claimed by family/friends except those of Joseph Crowther and Nathan Hoyle, whose bodies were 'interred in the hoppet at the back of the Castle'.

16th January 1813: The 14 convicted Luddites are executed at York Castle

A contemporary illustration, from York Castle Prison, of an execution at the 'New Drop' after 1802.

On Saturday 16th January 1813, the fourteen Luddites sentenced to death 4 days previously were hanged at York Castle. It had been decided to hang them in two groups of seven: an anecdote has it that the counsel for the prosecution asked Baron Thomson after sentencing if they were to be hung together, and he responded "Well no, sir, I consider they would hang more comfortably on two."

There are two main contemporary accounts of the execution in both the Leeds papers, with the longest being printed in the Leeds Mercury of 23rd January 1813. This is below, with notes added in square brackets.

After sentence of death had been passed upon the persons convicted of making the attack on Mr. Cartwright’s Mill, at Rawfolds, and of the Burglaries, fifteen in number, all of them except John Lumb, who was reprieved, were removed to the condemned-ward, and their behaviour in that place was very suitable to their unhappy situation. They confessed that they had offended against the laws of God and their Country, but on the subject of the offence, for which the sentence of death was passed upon them, they were very reserved; yet all of them except one, tacitly confessed that they were guilty of the crimes which they stood convicted, when they were asked if any of them could say they were not guilty, they all remain silent except James Haigh and Nathan Hoyle, the former of whom said, “I am guilty,” and the latter, “I am innocent;” this was the day before the execution; but Hoyle did not make any declaration to that effect when brought to the platform. Their minds for the most part had attained an extraordinary degree of composure; except the mind of John Ogden—he appeared some time to be much disturbed, but on the question being put to him whether his agitation arose from any discovery that he had to make, and with the weight of which his conscience was oppressed? he answered, no; his agitation arose from the terrors of his situation.

And here it seems proper to observe, that if any of these unfortunate men possessed any secret that it might have been important to the public to know, they suffered it to die with them. Their discoveries were meagre in the extreme. Not one of them impeached any of their accomplices, nor did they state, as might reasonably have been expected, where the depot of arms, in the collection of which some of them had been personally engaged, was to be found. When interrogated on this point, some of them disclaimed all knowledge of the place, and others said, Benjamin Walker, the informer against Mellor, Thorpe, and Smith, could give the best information about the arms, as he had been present at most of the depredations. On the question being put to them whether they knew who was concerned in the robbery of a mill (not Rawfolds) near Cleckheaton; James Hey said, “I and Carter the informer were present at the robbery.” It was observed to James Hey, that it was very extraordinary, that he who had the advantage of a religious education, his Father being of the Methodist Society, should have come to such a disgraceful situation; to which replied, in a manner that shewed that his vices, however flagrant, had not extinguished in his bosom the feelings of filial affection, I hope, said he, “the son’s crimes will never be imputed to his father.” The principal part of these ill-fated men were married and have left families. William Hartley, has left seven children, their mother, happily for herself, died about half a year ago. John Ogden, wife and two children; Nathan Hoyle, wife and seven children; Joseph Crowther, wife pregnant, and four children; John Hill, wife and two children; John Walker, wife and five children; Jonathan Dean, wife and seven children; Thomas Brook, wife and three children; John Swallow, wife and six children; John Batley, wife and one child; John Fisher, wife and three children; Job Hey, wife and seven children; James Hey, wife and two children; James Haigh, wife, but no children. On the morning before the execution, the eldest daughter of Hartley obtain permission to visit a wretched parent, when a scene took place which we will not attempt to describe. The heart-broken father wished to have been spared the anguish of this parting interval, but the importunate intreaties of his child a last prevailed, and they met to take a long farewell, never again to be repeated in this world. What must be the feelings of an affectionate father, (for such in this trying moment he appears to have shewn himself,) when, though standing on the brink of eternity, he declines to see a darling child; how great an aggravation of his punishment must those parting pangs of inflicted, and how loud an admonition does this melancholy incident suggest to the Fathers of families against entering into combinations that may place them in the same inexpressibly afflicted situations. It was Hartley’s particular request that the public should be informed of the number and unprovided situation of his orphan family.

At 11 o'clock on Saturday morning, the Under Sheriff went to demand the bodies of John Ogden, Nathan Hoyle, Joseph Crowther, John Hill, John Walker, Jonathan Dean, and Thomas Brook. They were all engaged in singing a hymn:

Behold the Saviour of Mankind,
Nail’d to the shameful tree;
How vast the love that him inclin’d
To bleed and for me, &c.

Which one of them [John Walker, according to the Leeds Intelligencer] dictated in a firm tone of voice; and in this religious service they continued on their way to the platform, and some time after they had arrived at the fatal spot. They then join the ordinary with great fervency in the prayers appointed to be read on such occasions, and after that gentleman had taken his final leave of them, ejaculations to the throne of mercy rose from every part of the crowded platform.

Joseph Crowther addressing himself to the spectators said, “Farewell Lads;” another whose name we could not collect said, “I am prepared for the Lord,” and John Hill, advancing a step or two on the platform, said, “Friends! all take warning by my fate; for three years I followed the Lord, but about half a year since, I began to fall away; and fell by little and little, and at last I am come to this; persevere in the ways of godliness, and O! take warning by my fate!” The executioner then proceeded to the discharge of his duty, and the falling of the platform soon after, forced an involuntary shriek from the vast concourse of spectators assembled to witness this tremendous sacrifice to the injured laws of the country.

The bodies having remained suspended for the usual time [12.00 p.m.], they were removed, and while the place of execution was yet warm with the blood of the former victims, the remaining seven, namely, John Swallow, John Batley, Joseph Fisher, William Hartley, James Haigh, James Hey, and Job Hey, were led at half-past one o'clock from their cell to the fatal stage, their behaviour, like that of their deceased confederates, was contrite and becoming; James Haigh expressed deep contrition for his offences. John Swallow said he had been led away by wicked and unprincipled men, and hoped his fate would be a warning to all, and teach them to live a life of sobriety and uprightness. They all united in prayer with an earnestness that is seldom witnessed in the services of devotion, except in the immediate prospect of death [the Leeds Intelligencer said they sung the same hymn as those executed earlier]. A few moments closed their mortal existence, and placed at the bar differing from all earthly tribunal's in this infinitely important particular—here, owing to the imperfections of all human institutions, repentance though sincere, cannot procure forgiveness—there, we have the authority of God himself for saying, that the cries of the contrite and broken-hearted shall not be despised. Charity hopeth all things.

The criminal records of Yorkshire do not perhaps afford an instance of so many victims having been offered in one day to the injured laws of the country. The scene was inexpressibly awful, and the large body of soldiers, both horse and foot, who guarded the approach to the castle, and were planted in front of the fatal tree, gave to the scene a peculiar degree of terror, and exhibited the appearance of a military execution. The spectators, particularly in the morning, were unusually numerous, and their behaviour on both occasions, were strictly decorous and unbecoming.

The site of the 'New Drop', where the executions took place (Google Street View)

9th January 1813: The trial of the men accused of attacking Rawfolds Mill

On Saturday 9th January 1813, the day after George Mellor, William Thorpe & Thomas Smith had been executed, the trial commenced of several alleged Luddites who were accused of tumultuously assembling and beginning to demolish Rawfolds Mill on 11th April 1812.

The prisoners on trial were James Haigh (aged 28), Jonathan Dean (28), John Ogden (23), James Brook (26), John Brook (22), Thomas Brook (32), John Walker (31) & John Hirst (22), all of them croppers. They all pleaded Not Guilty. Mellor, Thorpe & Smith were also named in the indictment.

The Jury for this trial was as follows:

Isaac Newton
John Mickelthwaite
Godfrey Park
William Parker
Henry Popplewell
Gervas Seaton
Christopher Smith
Robert Stubbing
Richard Tottie
Thomas Tootal
Richard Waddington
Henry Wilkinson

James Alan Park started the case against the prisoners for the prosecution by eulogising machinery and chiding the prisoners for their lack of patience in understanding that their actions were ‘depriving others of bread’, which was of course the charge the Luddites levelled at the likes of William Cartwright. The alternative viewpoint to that of the State and Capital was never mentioned throughout the whole trial.

Park continued to give an outline of the events of 11th April 1812 from the viewpoint of Cartwright. He then went on to introduce the principal witnesses for the Crown, starting with Joseph Sowden. Sowden had come forward when the evidence led the solicitors John Allison & John Lloyd to the workshop of John Wood, George Mellor’s employer and step-father.

Park said that Sowden contended that on the morning of the 11th April, a man called Joshua Dickinson had come to Wood’s cropping shop and a great deal of conversation ensued, and Dickinson later distributed ammunition. Arrangements were then made for the raid on Rawfolds Mill that took place later that night.

Sowden alleged that at the beginning of the year, he had heard John Walker & Jonathan Dean discuss commencing frame-breaking in the West Riding, along the same lines as the Nottinghamshire Luddites had been doing. Around this time, Sowden said he had been asked by George Mellor and Dean to join them, but said he had refused. Sowden painted a picture of Mellor and William Thorpe being the ringleaders, and commanding musket and pistol companies respectively at the Rawfolds Fight.

Park went on to discuss the prisoners in turn, beginning with James Haigh. He related how, the day after the Rawfolds Fight, Haigh had gone to Richard Tatterson,  a surgeon,  to have the wound in his shoulder treated, and from there went to Penistone Green to his relative, Mary Culpan, accompanied by his master, Joseph Ardron.

Park revealed Sowden had said that Jonathan Dean had been wounded in the hand at Rawfolds, as he was hitting the front door with a hatchet and had been shot at.

Sowden had also said that John Ogden was at the attack at Rawfolds, carrying a sword, which later broke in the scabbard. When the attack failed, he was alleged to have fled via Clifton with a man called Drake and another witness for the Crown, Benjamin Walker.

Another prisoner, James Brook, had talked about what had happened at Rawfolds to his neighbour and the horror of hearing John Booth and Samuel Hartley, the wounded left behind at Rawfolds, screaming from half a mile distant. The woman had gone to the authorities to tell them what Brook had said to her.

John Brook was before the Court because he had admitted to someone in conversation that he was there, and also that he had removed firearms from John Wood’s cropping shop prior to a search taking place.

Thomas Brook was before the Court because he had lost his hat in the mill pond at Rawfolds (where it was found later by a servant of William Cartwright), and on his way home later he had stopped at the house of a man called Samuel Naylor to borrow his hat from his wife. The hat was later returned.

John Walker was before the Court on the evidence of Sowden, whom he tried to recruit into the ranks of the Luddites. At Rawfolds, he was shot at, with the musket ball passing through his hat and not injuring him.

Lastly, Park stated that John Hirst had admitted to being at Rawfolds in a statement, saying that he was threatened to take part after meeting at the Dumb Steeple. He said he had made his way back to Hartshead with William Hall, another witness for the Crown.

Park went on the say that the Court may well hear from character witnesses for the prisoners, but that any tributes as to them being honest, industrious and hard-working did not mean that they had pledged allegiance and submission to lawful authority and government. He also strongly intimated that those providing alibis were liars.

Mr Justice Le Blanc then summed up the case before the Court.

The first witness for the prosecution was William Cartwright himself, who was examined by Mr Topping for the prosecution: he related his preparations for an attack he expected to come at some point and also the events of that night. One of his servants, James Wilkinson, spoke to Court about how the following morning after the attack, he had found a hat in the mill dam.

The next witness was a Luddite-turned-informer, William Hall. Hall was a cropper and worked at John Wood’s cropping shop. Hall related how Joshua Dickinson had brought ammunition and gunpowder to the cropping shop early on 11th April 1812. He also related what happened at the raid and that he had seen James Haigh, Jonathan Dean, John Ogden, James Brook, John Brook, John Walker & John Hirst assembled at the Dumb Steeple beforehand. He did not see Thomas Brook there, nor did he see Hirst at the Mill.

Hall said that when he retreated from the Mill, he went through the beck from the mill-pond, and later met John Hirst at Hightown, before leaving him to head back to Sir George Armytage’s fields.

Hall went on to say, that two weeks later, he had been in John Wood’s cropping shop when Thomas Brook brought in a hat, and asked him to take it back to where it belonged, and that George Mellor would know where it was from. Mellor told him it belonged to a Samuel Naylor, and Hall took it back to him.

The next witness was a cropper, Joseph Drake, who admitted to being at Rawfolds, making his way there with John Walker and Jonathan Dean, but said that he did not take part, gave up his pistol and stayed 60 yards distant throughout the raid. Other than Walker and Dean, Drake identified Thomas Brook, having seen him in Hightown later that night, without a hat and having wet clothes: he said Walker told him he had fallen into the mill-dam. Drake stated that Mellor was with Brook, and they went together to Samuel Naylor’s house, to borrow a hat for Brook.

Drake went on to say that they had also stopped at Clifton, and knocked up a house to provide them with something to eat and drink. Drake also said that he met John Ogden at Hightown after the attack: Ogden had a pistol, and they went together to Cowcliffe where they parted.

The next witness was Benjamin Walker, whose evidence for the Crown had already hung three men. Of the prisoners before him, Walker stated that he had seen James Haigh carrying a maul at the Dumb Steeple; that Jonathan Dean had given him a tot of Rum on the way to Rawfolds from the Dumb Steeple, and he also saw John Walker with a pistol as they were travelling. Walker said that after the attack, he fled the Mill with George Mellor, Joseph Drake, Thomas Brook and a man whom he did not know from Cowcliffe and corroborated Drake’s evidence about stopping at Samuel Naylor’s for a hat for Brook, and also the group stopping for food and drink at Clifton. Later, he had gone to Dean’s house after the attack, to find Dean in bed, with a bleeding hand.

It was now Joseph Sowden’s turn to give evidence. He claimed to have not been involved at Rawfolds, and related what he had seen & heard at John Wood’s cropping shop in the days afterwards, in particular John Walker relating to tale of how a shot from the Mill passed through his hat. Under cross-examination by Mr Hullock for the defence, he claimed to have been too scared to speak out earlier than the 24th October, when he was questioned by Allison and Lloyd under oath.

Mary Brook was called to give evidence that she was the woman at Clifton who had given bread and water to people she claimed to be unable to identify. The Crown contended the people outside her house were Benjamin Walker, George Mellor, Thomas Brook, Joseph Drake and John Ogden on their way home from Rawfolds.

Sarah Naylor was called to give evidence about the same group calling at her home at Hightown to lend a hat for the bare-headed Thomas Brook. She also related that the hat was returned, but could not be specific as to the time. Like Mary Brook, she said she could not identify the men.

Richard Tatterson, a surgeon, was called to give evidence about how he had treated James Haigh’s wound to his shoulder. He stated that the wound did look like it had been caused by a fall onto a stone, contradicting what the Crown had said when they opened the case. Tatterson pointed out Haigh at the Bar when he was asked to identify the man who had called on him.

Joseph Culpan was also called as a witness, to relate how he had sheltered James Haigh when he was brought to his home at Penistone Green by Haigh’s employer, Joseph Ardron. A Constable, Thomas Atkinson related how he had tracked and eventually arrested Haigh at Methley 12 days after the Rawfolds attack.

Fanny Miles, a neighbour of James Brook, gave evidence about his behaviour in the days following Rawfolds: how he had been visited by many croppers and held discussions, of which she had overheard talk of a ‘dismal din’ that could be ‘heard for half a mile’. Under cross-examination, she admitted that her husband had had Brook arrested on a former occasion, and Brook subsequently sued him and won damages for assault and false imprisonment.

The last evidence for the prosecution was the statement given by John Hirst to the magistrate Scott on 2nd November 1812 in which he said he was ordered to go to the Dumb Steeple and intimidated into taking part in the raid at Rawfolds, and subsequently retreated as far as Hartshead with William Hall.

The prisoners were now asked for their defence: James Haigh and Jonathan Dean stated they were Not Guilty, but would leave their defence to their Counsel. John Ogden said he had never been in company with the other men. James Brook said he was not involved. Thomas Brook said he was not at Rawfolds, and John Brook and John Hirst said they were Not Guilty.

Witnesses for the defence now appeared.

Abraham Berry spoke for James Haigh. He started by saying that he been in Haigh’s company after Haigh’s abortive trial at the York Summer Assizes in a public house, when he had been accosted by a man called Hall. At this point, the Judge told him that unless he could identify this man as William Hall, his testimony could not be accepted as evidence. When Hall was brought into the Court with some others, Berry could not identify him.

Thomas Ellis, the Lockwood wool-stapler and correspondent of George Mellor’s (although the latter fact was not mentioned at the trial) who spoke for James Brook. He stated that he had been in Huddersfield on the night of the Rawfolds Fight, and making his way home later, he saw Brook opposite his house at 11.45 p.m. He also paid tribute to Brook’s character. Ellis was cross-examined by the prosecution, as to whether the defence solicitor, Mr Blackburn, had discussed particulars relative to the trial with him. Ellis denied this.

George Armitage, a blacksmith from Lockwood, also spoke for James Brook. He had visited Thomas Ellis on his way home and gone from there to James Brook’s father’s house at 12.05 a.m. on the 13th April and saw him there.

Hannah Tweddle was called to dispute the evidence given by Fanny Miles – she claimed to have overheard Miles saying she was determined that some of the Brooks ‘must be hanged before they left this place’.

John Ellis, a cropper from Lockwood, was called to speak for Thomas Brook. He said that he, Thomas Elam and Jonathan Vickerman worked for Brook and saw him that evening at midnight and earlier. Shortly after midnight, they finished work and Brook paid them their wages. The prosecution spent a lot of time cross-examining Ellis about minute details of the day, and Ellis appeared at time inconsistent.

Richard Lee was called to speak for John Walker. He said that he had been at Walker’s house that evening and stayed overnight, and he was sure Walker was not absent that evening, other than when he left briefly to fetch some coal. Walker’s brother-in-law, Joseph Walker, was also present for some of the time, and he was also called as a witness for Joseph. There appeared to be some differences in the accounts given of that evening by Lee and Joseph Walker.

Hannah Blakey, a coal-dealer, corroborated Richard Lee’s evidence about John Walker buying some coal from her that evening.

Character witnesses were then called for the prisoners.

An apprentice cropper called Mills spoke to the good character of James Haigh, as did Joshua Wood, a cloth manufacturer.

Joseph Brook, a cloth-finisher, spoke in favour of Jonathan Dean, having known him for four years. James Garside, a cropper, had known Brook for up to 7 years, and called him honest and industrious. Joshua Priestly had know Dean for 12 years and described him as peaceable. Joseph Riley, a tailor, had known Dean since he was a child and gave a tribute to his character.

Richard Beaumont, a clothier, spoke for John Ogden having known him for 5 years and worked with him for 2. Another clothier, Abel Armitage, said he had known Ogden for up to 6 years, and described him as steady, and hard-working and had a wife and two children.

William Haigh spoke to the good character of all the Brooks, having known them from their youth, as did James Garside, who had known them up to 8 years. Joshua Wood, a cloth manufacturer, also spoke in favour of Thomas Brook.

William Haigh spoke in favour of John Walker, having known him for years, and found him a laborious, honest man.

Two witnesses called Holdfield and Shipley spoke for John Hirst, both of them having known him for many years.

Sir Simon Le Blanc summed up the case, and paid a highly partial and glowing tribute to William Cartwright. The Jury retired at 6.00 p.m. to consider their verdict. They returned an hour later, finding James Haigh, Jonathan Dean, John Ogden, Thomas Brook and John Walker Guilty, and James Brook, John Brook & John Hirst Not Guilty.

12th April 1812: Late night visitors in the Spen Valley

At Hightown, Sarah Naylor was still awake and pottering about well after 1.00 a.m. She heard a knock at her door: someone must have seen her light on. She went to the door, opened it and saw a stranger, with others at a distance behind him. He asked if she had a man's hat she could borrow? - he promised to return it as soon as he could, as he lived locally. She agreed, being a kindly type.

Later, at the village of Clifton further to the west, Mary Brook was in bed. She was not yet asleep when she heard a knock at her door. She was wary of opening it given the hour, but decided to go to the window as someone might need help. The few people there were strangers to her. They asked if she would sell them some refreshment, and offered her threepence for whatever she could provide, which she considered was more than reasonable. She offered them the nearest things to hand: some muffins and a pitcher of water, which she passed through the window to them, asking them to leave the empty pitcher on the step when they had finished. She wondered to herself where anyone would be going at this time of night and then went back to bed.