Showing posts with label petitions. Show all posts
Showing posts with label petitions. Show all posts

Friday, 23 February 2018

23rd February 1818: Leicester Framework-knitters meet to petition parliament about their distress

The Nottingham Review of Friday 6th March 1818 carried the following article about framework-knitters in Leicester:
A numerous meeting of the framework-knitters of the town and county of Leicester, was held on Monday se'nnight, at the Fleur-de-lis Inn, Belgrave-gate, persuant to public advertisment, for the purpose of petitioning the Legislature, on the subject of their truly distressing situation, and praying relief: when a number of resolutions and a petition founded thereon, were unanimously adopted.

Monday, 29 January 2018

29th January 1818: Francis Ward's case is raised in Parliament, alongside a petition on his behalf

PETITION FROM FRANCIS WARD COMPLAINING OF THE OPERATION OF THE HABEAS CORPUS SUSPENSION ACT.

Lord Folkestone  said, he had a Petition to present from Francis Ward, one of the persons whose case had that day been under discussion. It was perhaps not drawn up in the manner which might have been best fitted to procure it attention, but it contained nothing offensive to the House. The Petition was then read, setting forth,

"That the petitioner is a lace-maker, and has resided in the town of Nottingham, upwards of 28 years, having a wife, four children, and a mother 90 years of age, dependent upon him for support; that on the 10th of June 1817, a number of the Nottingham police officers entered the petitioner's dwelling house, and one of them (Mr. Lawson) said to the petitioner, 'Mr. Ward, we are come to 'search your house; the petitioner asked by what authority they came to do so; one of them observed, 'You may be sure we are not come without authority;' the petitioner replied, 'Show me it, or you shall not search my premises;' immediately Mr. Lawson held up in his hand a paper, and said, Here it is;' the petitioner requested him to read it, he replied, 'The law will not justify me in reading it, until we get before a magistrate; while this conversation was passing between the petitioner and Lawson, the other police officers were gone into different parts of the petitioner's dwelling house and premises; therefore seeing all remonstrance in vain, the petitioner reluctantly submitted to that which he thought diametrically opposed to both law and justice; the petitioner has no doubt but the sequel will prove to the House that he did not oppose the police from motives of fear; no, the man who is guided by this rule, 'Do unto others as you would they should do unto you,' has nothing to fear; and that rule which was laid down by no less a personage than Jesus Christ, has long been adopted and acted upon by the petitioner, so that he had no reason to dread the thoughts often or twelve constables searching his premises for seditious and treasonable documents; it was not from fear, but from a consciousness of the rectitude of the petitioner's conduct as a man and a subject, and from a persuasion of the illegality of those proceedings, that the petitioner opposed the searching of his house; when the police officers had took down a cannister, looked into a thimble, and searched the petitioner's house in vain, they frankly acknowledged there was nothing to be found which they were searching for; the petitioner asked them what they were looking for; one of them observed, 'You have that to find out.' Not being satisfied with such proceedings, the petitioner consulted an attorney, and was by him advised to make application for a copy of the warrant or authority by which the petitioner's house was searched, and for the names of the constables it was directed and delivered to; that the petitioner applied to Mr. Enfield, town clerk; he observed, 'You have no 'right to a copy,' and he repeated that assertion several times, and added with considerable emphasis, 'You may make application, but I know what advice I shall give.' The petitioner went directly to the police office, where he saw Mr. Alderman Saars, and acquainted him with the petitioner's business; the alderman said, 'Go backwards,' and immediately ordered a constable to take the petitioner into custody; that after remaining in that situation upwards of an hour, Mr. Alderman Barber (a near neighbour of the petitioner) came to him and said, 'I am very sorry for you Francis, as I believe you to be an honest industrious man, but I would advise you 'to withdraw your application.' He repeated that several times, and farther added, It is a dangerous case to press, however you will not consider me as advising you as a magistrate, but as a friend.' The petitioner informed him that the treatment he had received was altogether unmerited, and that, at all events, he was determined to press his application, conceiving he had an incontrovertible right to make the demand; that soon after this interview the petitioner was taken before the bench of magistrates at the police office, when the town clerk inquired of the petitioner what his application was; he informed the town clerk it was for a copy of the warrant issued ordering his dwelling house and premises to be searched, and for the names of the constables it was directed and delivered to; that the town clerk ordered the petitioner to be taken away until his case was disposed of. In a short, time the petitioner was again introduced to the magistrates, and the town clerk then informed him that they had agreed not to grant the request, and that the petitioner must be detained for being concerned in the Loughborough outrage, alluding as the petitioner supposed to frame-breaking, which took place in Loughborough in June 1816. That the petitioner was taken to the town gaol, where (except what food his wife brought him) he had nothing but bread and water, felons allowance, and slept in one of the dampest cells that ever man was put into; added to this his bed was not only damp but had a strong sulphureous smell, which rendered it almost intolerable. Thus the petitioner was taken from his abode of comfort, without reason or justice, and cut off from society, except in the day-time, being immured in a small room with a felon; and although confined in this prison but four days, the petitioner there caught a severe cold, which is so firmly fixed upon his lungs, he has too much reason to fear it can never be removed. That on the 14th of June, the fourth day after his arrest, Mr. Alderman Barber, the town clerk, a king's messenger, and a Bow-street officer, came to the gaol, and informed the petitioner that he must prepare for a journey, as there was a warrant from the secretary of state. Mr. Barber then observed, 'The Loughborough business must stand over,' and the petitioner has heard no more of it from that time to the present; that he denies any participation or knowledge, either directly or indirectly, in the breaking of frames at Loughborough or elsewhere, or with the parties concerned therein, and he here challenges inquiry, and insists that the imputation so made upon him is groundless, and founded only in malice. That in about an hour afterwards the king's messenger and Bowstreet officer came again to the gaol, and chained the petitioner hand and foot to a man of the name of Haynes; that before they got into the chaise the Bowstreet officer said to the petitioner, 'If you heave your hands to let the chains be seen, you shall be the first that shall fall;' at the same time holding a pistol in his hand. On the road to London the fetters round the petitioner's hand gave him much pain, which caused him to comment upon the severe and unmerited treatment he was suffering; the officer observed, 'You wish to make it appear that you are not a disaffected person; the town clerk informed me that you are much respected by the mechanics of Loughborough and Leicester, and the working people in general, so that you are a dangerous man to be at large.' That on the 15th the petitioner arrived in London, and was placed in Cold Bath Fields prison, and on the 21st was taken before lord Sidmouth and other gentlemen; after inquiring the petitioner's age, he was informed that he was apprehended under a warrant from the secretary of state on suspicion of high treason, and that he should commit the petitioner to close confinement until delivered by due course of law; and farther observed, 'If you have any thing to say, you are at liberty to speak;' To that the petitioner replied, 'I declare my innocence, and if every action of my life was painted in its proper colour, your lordship would say I merited reward rather than punishment.' In vain did the petitioner declare his innocence, and challenge inquiry and proof of his guilt; his lordship observed, 'You are not unjustly punished, 'for my information is from a respectable 'source, and you shall have a list of the 'evidence against you, and proper notice of your trial before its commencement.' That the petitioner was then conveyed back to Cold Bath Fields prison, and on the 24th was, with William Cliff (a young man from Derby), removed to Oxford Castle; that on the petitioner's arrival at that place he was confined by himself in one of the most dismal cells ever made for criminals under sentence of death, about eleven feet by seven; that when there was a fire in it the petitioner was nearly suffocated with smoke, and driven to the necessity of removing into the privy for air, in order to be enabled to respire. But what is here stated is not all the wretchedness connected with that excessively miserable cell that the petitioner was confined in, for such a stench descended the chimney during the night, that the dungeon was rendered almost intolerable, endangering the life of the petitioner; that he frequently applied to the governor to remove that intolerable evil, but in vain; that after remaining four days in such cell, William Cliff was brought down to it, and the petitioner taken up into a small room called the turnkey's lodge, and such alternate change was made every four days for between three and four months; and although the petitioner and Cliff passed each other once each fourth day, they were not permitted to hold any conversation, or even speak to each other; that near Michaelmas the petitioner and Cliff were allowed to be together a few hours each day; that circumstance was so far alleviating the rigorous treatment of the petitioner, although he had no previous acquaintance with, or knowledge of Cliff; that in the last few weeks of the petitioner's imprisonment, the prisoners in the Castle became so numerous, that it was found absolutely necessary for the petitioner and Cliff to be confined constantly in a turnkey's lodge, and in that situation the petitioner continued until the 13th of November, 1817, and was then liberated on his own recognizance of 100l. to appear in the court of King's-bench, Westminster, on the 23d of January, 1818, and there remain from day to day until discharged, and not depart the court without leave. That in the foregoing statement, the petitioner has attempted to give the House a plain detailed account of the sufferings, without exaggeration, he has undergone while detained under the suspension act; but, alas! this attempt comes far short of giving a full and clear description of the unheard-of cruelty he has been treated with, as no mention has been made of the excruciating torture of mind the petitioner has undergone;—here language fails, and to form any conception of his case, it will be necessary to figure to the imagination a man, who through life has taken a very active part in it, being accustomed to labour hard for his bread, by frequently having to work twelve, fourteen, sixteen hours a day, and sometimes more, the existence of a family depending on his exertions, which all at once ceases, and the intolerable state of inactivity succeeds; added to this, being possessed of all the finer feelings that adorn human nature, and those are for a long period stretched on the rack by his being dragged away from all that is near and dear to man in life; thus the glowing affection of a son, a husband, and a father, being simultaneously aroused, contributed not to sweeten the bitter cup of life, but to render it insupportable; for such an one, who has never been within the walls of a prison before, to be cut off from society, and immured within the walls of a dungeon not fit for a murderer to be confined in; what inconceivable sufferings must such an one experience! nothing but the thoughts of his innocence could enable him to bear up under the intolerable load! and this is precisely the case of the petitioner; and, if the patience of the House is not exhausted, the petitioner will mention some of the damages he has sustained while in prison; he has before stated, that his own health was so much injured, that he has too much reason to fear the complaint upon his lungs cannot be removed; his wife's constitution has been so much injured by uneasiness of mind, that she at present continues ill, and in all human probability is likely so to do. When the petitioner was arrested, he had ten machines employed in his shop, and a good seat of work for himself, but during his confinement the latter was lost, and he has not been able to obtain any more to the present time, and he found only two machines out of the ten employed at his return; since the 10th of June, 1817, to the present time, he has been unemployed, and is likely to continue so; that the petitioner's character and reputation, which is the main-spring of a poor mans existence, and in some cases as valuable as life, have received such a stab, by his being committed and detained on suspicion of high treason, that unless the petitioner is afforded an opportunity of clearing himself, it may contribute greatly to his total ruin; the petitioner therefore respectfully and earnestly requests the House to order that he may be brought to its bar, and undergo the strictest examination, and that he may be brought to trial according to law, and meet his accusers face to face, and thereby have the benefit and justice of the laws; and the petitioner also prays, that having thus detailed the sufferings he has unjustly endured, the House will afford him such redress as in their great wisdom seems fit, or that they will take such steps as shall lead to the punishment of the wrong-doers, and effectually prevent, in any other case,, the recurrence of such unjust and cruel proceedings."

Lord Folkestone  said, that the circumstances detailed in the petition were of so serious a nature, that it was his intention to move, that a committee be appointed for the purpose of inquiring into the truth of what it stated. If there was no objection, he would do so then; if otherwise, he would give notice of bringing it before the House as early as possible.

Mr. Bennet  said, he hoped his noble friend would give notice of his motion. He could assure the House, the system was not confined to that miserable man, but that others had suffered under barbarous, inhuman, and illegal treatment; such as mixing them with felons, and loading them with irons for months together. Numerous petitions would be presented on the subject, and it would be the bounden duty of the House, as the representatives of the people, to inquire into them.

Lord Folkestone  then presented a petition from certain inhabitants of Nottingham, setting forth, "That the petitioners are neighbours of, and have been for some years acquainted with Mr. Francis Ward, lately in confinement under a warrant from the secretary of state, on suspicion of high treason; that they have lately seen a petition which the said Francis Ward is about to offer to the House; that they wish to state to the House, that the said Francis Ward has always merited the character of a hard-working, sober, honest, industrious man, and has conducted himself with propriety and respectability in his station in life, and that the petitioners are fully assured that he is incapable of committing any act of treason, or of doing any thing which would justify the proceedings had against him; that he has, in consequence of his imprisonment, sustained much injury in his business; and that the petitioners pray the House to take his case into their most serious consideration, in order that they may provide the said Francis Ward with such relief as to their wisdom may appear just, and take such steps as shall effectually prevent the recurrence of such proceedings."

The petitions were ordered to be printed, and lord Folkestone gave notice of his intended motion for this day se'nnight.

Thursday, 28 September 2017

28th September 1817: Viscount Lascelles writes to Lord Sidmouth about the plight of the Croppers

My dear Lord.

In the course of the last Session of [Parliament] your Lordship may recollect that I together with a Deputation from the Cloth Workers, or Croppers, waited upon you upon the subject of an alteration of the Laws respecting Emigration―The ground upon which the application which deprived the Clothworkers of their usual means of employment. The machinery applicable to their particular branch of trade are the Gig mill for raising cloth, and the Shearing Frames for cropping it when raised. Your Lordship well knows that considerable objections have existed in the minds of this class of workmen to the establishment of these machines; that in 1812 some deluded persons attempted by intimidation to restrain the use of them, and that application at different times has been made to [Parliament] for their abolition, but without success. In the last Session of [Parliament] a petition was presented to the House of Commons upon the subject, setting forth, in the most respectful manner, the effect likely to be produced upon the interests of the Petitioners by the increasing use of these machines. A numerous meeting was held in order to discuss the point in question―;and the Parties were unanimously recommended not to incur the expence of proceeding in furtherance of the petition; in consequence of the general opinion which seemed to prevail that [Parliament] would not sanction the abolition of the machines, or lay a restraint upon the fair employment of capital. In failure of the accomplishment of their wishes, the Parties were desirous of being allowed freely to emigrate: and it is upon this part of the question I take the liberty of troubling your Lordship: for I am informed that no expectation is now entertained by the Clothworkers of accomplishing their object. It cannot be doubted that the use of these machines is rapidly increasing throughout the West Riding of Yorkshire, and that they supersede the manual labor of a body of men, amounting, as I am informed, to about 3,500, who have been regularly and almost exclusively brought up, to the exercise of this trade. A Deputation waited upon me last week, and I promised to communicate with your Lordship upon the subject of their present wishes, in order that they might have an opportunity of being considered by Government previous to a more regular application. The persons who communicated with me, allow that the Woollen Trade has considerably revived, and that reasonable hopes may be entertained of its progressive amendment; but that notwithstanding these circumstances, their particular situations will not be improved since the use of machinery deprives them of their usual employment. In all changes of this nature, altho’ considerable inconvenience may be experienced in the first instance, the population affected will generally find employment in other branches of the business, and I make no doubt this will be the case very shortly with some part of the Clothworkers; but still a strong desire is expressed by them to have the assistance of Government in conveying such of them as may wish to emigrate, to North America. According to my own calculation this body may be divided into three parts: that which will find employment in other branches of the Woollen Trade: that which wou’d endeavour to find employment in any Trade or Business rather than emigrate; and that which would prefer emigration as affording them the fairest prospects. The Parties are aware of the regulations furnished by the Colonial Department respecting emigration; but according to them, Individuals must bear the expences of the voyage, which the greater part or perhaps all these persons are unable to do: and the Articles furnished by Government when Grants of Land are made, being according to the means of cultivation possessed by the Grantee: the prospects of an advantageous settlement in the Country are quite hopeless unless Government should, under the particular circumstances of the case, think proper to render them such assistance as will enable them to remove; and secure to them both assistance, and protection for a certain time after their arrival in North America. It must be recollected that the population already engaged in the different branches of the Woollen Trade is probably, uner the present circumstances of that Trade, fully sufficient to supply the demand for labor.

I am aware that difficulties may present themselves in fulfilling the wishes of the Parties, but if they can be overcome I am persuaded the number that will emigrate will not be large. The restraints imposed by the Laws do not appear to be as necessary now as at the time they were made, because not only in Europe, but in other parts of the World, improvements in manufactures are no longer unknown.

I remain
My dear Lord
Your faithful and
Obt Servt

Lascelles.

[To] Viscount Sidmouth.

Tuesday, 18 April 2017

18th April 1817: The Nottingham Review reports the arrest of Gravenor Henson for High Treason

As a report has been in circulation for some days past, that Gravenor Henson and William Robinson, the persons who were deputed to carry the Petition to London, to be presented to the Prince Regent, in behalf of the unfortunate men who have suffered at Leicester, had been taken into custody, it may be proper to give a brief statement of the case, The aforesaid persons after their arrival in London, previous to their calling at Lord Sidmouth’s office, thought it advisable to call upon a gentleman to ask his influence and interest, to give the greater weight to the petition. This, Henson agreed to do himself, and Robinson was to wait for his return in St. James's Park. They had, however, no sooner separated, than a Crown Officer took Henson into custody: Robinson waited about three hours for his companion, in vain. He then returned to their inn, where he learned that an officer, in company with a Nottingham manufacturer, had been, and the officer had seized Henson's box with all its contents. Robinson immediately waited upon the manufacturer, and wished to have an explanation, and to know if there were any charge against him—and said he had no objection to go to the office of Secretary of State, to vindicate himself and explain. In consequence, an officer waiting on him on Saturday, to request his attendance there, but said he was not obliged to attend; however, Robinson chose the accompany the officer, and was introduced to Lord Sidmouth, to whom he stated his object in coming to London; and said he was not conscious of any charge being brought against himself or colleague. The Honourable Secretary, we understand, spoke in terms of approbation, of the frank and undisguised conduct of Robinson, and applauded his motives, but refused him all communication with Henson, who, it seems, is taken up on suspicion of High Treason. A messenger from the Crown arrived at this place on Saturday last, who entered Henson's house, and major a seizure of a variety of papers, which he sealed and took with him to London. Robinson was not arrested, nor his house searched. Henson is at present in Coldbath-fields prison. Such is the information handed to us, and which we believe to be correct.

Monday, 10 April 2017

10th April 1817: Gravenor Henson writes of his meeting with John Smith MP

London Apl 10th 1817.

Sir

Me & Mr Atkinson waited on Mr John Smith pursuant to appointment, and had the mortification to learn that he had seen my Lord Sidmouth, & that his Lordship had told Mr Smith that to the Communications he had to make "he had no Answer to give" in fact Ld. S has not deigned to give any Answer to the Communication which Mr Smith has thought proper prudent to disclose, Mr Smith's manner was particularly reserved, and latterly [repelling], though polite; in the Conversation that I had with him at his Seat at Blendon Hall, he declined presenting the Petition to the Regent, as an useless & unavailing measure. Notwithstanding this, Mr Robinson is determined to carry the Petition along with me to the Home Department Office & present his letter of Recommendation to Ld. S from Lord Rancliff to obtain an Interview which will be done tomorrow.

I am Dear Sir

Yours
G. Henson

To Mr Woodhouse
Lion & Unicorn
Newcastle Street
Nottingham

Sunday, 9 April 2017

9th April 1817: The Nottingham MP, John Smith, informs the Home Secretary of a meeting with Gravenor Henson

Blendon Hall near Dartford
April 9 1817.—

An application has been made to me by a large number of my Constituents to present a Petition to His Royal Highness the Prince Regent through the hands of your Lordship to extend Mercy to the Luddites convicted at Leicester. I have refused to be the Organ of any such application but the individual who has brought up the Petition to London, & who is supposed to be one of the Leaders in the Luddite Conspiracy has stated some circumstances to me for your Lordship’s information to which though I can readily anticipate your Lordships answer I think I may incur a responsibility by keeping from your knowledge, & that of his Majesties Government. This must be my apology for soliciting an audience of your Lordship for a very few minutes tomorrow morning, & for also requesting in case you should be pleased to grant it to make known the hour that your Lordship will receive me by a hope addressed to me at my House in New Street Spring Gardens.—

I have the honor to be
My Lord
Your most obed Servt

John Smith.

Saturday, 11 February 2017

11th February 1817: Leeds Croppers petition brought up in the House of Commons

On Tuesday 11th February 1817, a petition from Croppers in Leeds about the use of cloth-dressing machinery was debated in the House of  Commons:

PETITION FROM LEEDS RELATING TO THE USE OF MACHINERY.

Lord Lascelles said, he held in his hand a petition from a numerous body of people in Leeds, and the parts adjacent, who were cloth-dressers, and who complained that the introduction of machinery had thrown many of them out of employment. They prayed that some relief might be afforded them by the wisdom of parliament. He had explained to the petitioners themselves, that the question relative to machinery was a matter of deep consideration; nor did he flatter them that parliament could be able, considering the state of the woollen manufacture in other countries, to afford them any relief on this head. There was another prayer in the petition: these people entertained the impression, that if driven to emigrate to other countries, the existing laws threw obstructions in their way, as being manufacturers. The noble lord had told them, that considering the state of manufactures in other countries, neither could he give them much encouragement on this head: but at any rate their petition should be submitted to the consideration of parliament.

The Petition was then brought up and read, setting forth, "That the petitioners are employed in the dressing of woollen cloth, to which business they have served a long apprenticeship, and which heretofore enabled them to maintain themselves and their families, but which, in consequence of the extensive introduction of machinery into that department of the woollen trade, they are no longer able to do; they trust therefore for the indulgence of the House whilst they submit to their consideration the following facts; the petitioners beg leave to state, that, during the last session of parliament, they presented to the House, on behalf of themselves and their fellow workmen, a petition signed by 3,625 individuals, setting forth their grievances and praying for relief and redress, and they respectfully solicit the attention of the House to the allegations and prayer of that petition; it was stated in that petition that machinery for the dressing of woollen cloth had increased so rapidly within the last seven or eight years as to have produced very great distress among the persons employed in that department of the woollen manufacture, great numbers of them having been deprived of their accustomed employment and reduced to hopeles indigence and beggary; the petitioners have now to add to this statement the more specific information, that there was on the 17th of August 1816, totally out of employment 1,043 persons, in partial employment 1,380. in full employment 922; and on the 28th of October 1816 there were totally out of employment 1,166 persons, in partial employment 1,352, in full employment 860; and on the 3d day of February instant there were totally out of employment 1,170 persons, in partial employment 1,445, and in full employment 763, and the wages of those stated to be partially employed do not average more than from five to ten shillings a week; the petitioners also beg leave to state that it appears from the evidence taken before the House, that in the year 1806 there were only five gig mills, and not more than 100 pair of shears in the county of York wrought by machinery, but that the number of gig mills is now 72, and the number of shears is increased to 1,462, and that the consequence of this increase has been that great numbers of the petitioners and their fellow workmen have been reduced to absolute want; the petitioners also beg leave to submit to the House that they have a particular claim upon the attention of the legislature for protection and relief, inasmuch as they are prohibited by the laws from seeking employment in a foreign state; they would also submit to the House, that the pleas of necessity and expedience which have been pleaded in the behalf of the introduction of this species of machinery are unfounded, as there have always been a sufficient number of workmen to perform all the labour that was required: the petitioners also beg leave to state, that cloth is neither dressed better nor cheaper by machinery than by the old method of dressing it by the hand; on the contrary, the advantage in both these respects is decidedly in favour of dressing it by the hand, the large sums expended in the erection and in the maintenance of these establishments more than counterbalancing any saving in the price of dressing. In respect also to the manner in which the cloth is dressed, the petitioners confidently affirm that the cloth finished by machinery possesses no advantage whatever over the cloth dressed by hand; they are aware that it will be asserted that the unrestrained use of machinery is necessary to enable this country sufficiently to compete with foreigners: the petitioners in reply to this objection, beg leave to observe, that the universal adoption of gig mills and shearing frames would not in the least tend to lower the price of cloth, and would not be the means of causing a single additional piece of cloth to be sold either at home or in the foreign market; they would further observe, that though this species of machinery is thus impotent in promoting the prosperity of the woollen manufacture, it has been the fruitful source of much evil to the petitioners, and would, if carried further, be the means of depriving many thousands of persons of employment in the business to which they served a long and laborious apprenticeship, and indeed of all work whatever, as the present depressed state of trade precludes them from all chance of obtaining employment in any other business; the petitioners therefore hope, and humbly pray, that under these circumstances the House will be pleased to take their case into their immediate and serious consideration, and afford them such relief by restraining the use of this kind of machinery, or by such other means as may seem most meet to the wisdom of the House."

Mr. Brougham could not abstain from expressing his pleasure at seeing this petition brought forward so satisfactorily by the noble lord. This was the proper way in which the complaints of the people should be treated. In fact, all that had passed at public, meetings showed that the people were still sound at heart; that they still looked up to that House as their constitutional safeguard, and the grand source from which they were to expect relief. With regard to the prayer of the present petition, it must be obvious, that to adopt any measures to check the use of machinery, was as impolitic as it would be impracticable; but it was surely very hard on the petitioners that any impediments should be thrown in their way so as to prevent them from bettering their situation by emigration, if they were so disposed. This branch of the ancient policy of the country required the serious consideration of the House. Nothing could be more wicked than attempts to destroy machinery, such as the country had lately witnessed; yet at the same time the feeling which existed against machinery must be a ground of formidable alarm; for it showed that, instead of now being, as it lately was, a source of wealth, it was the cause of the most severe distress to a great body of the people, because the hands thrown out of work by the introduction of machines in one branch could not now find employment in other lines. This was a serious evil, well deserving the serious attention of parliament; but he should not dilate on it at present, because he should soon have occasion to bring the distressed state of the manufacturers under the consideration of the House. He might here be allowed to explain, that in the observations which fell from him last night, he did not mean to advert to any seizures of persons that had been made under the authority of the secret committee.

Lord Castlereagh entirely coincided with the hon. and learned gentlemen respecting the proper manner in which the petition just read had been drawn up. He wished the House to be assured he was as anxious as any individual could be to preserve the right of petitioning, as one of the most valuable blessings of the constitution, and he was confident, if the people were left to draw up their petitions themselves, they would do it in the best and most respectful manner. It was the means made use of to delude them by imposing on them manufactured petitions that excited his disapprobation and disgust. It was an insult to an Englishman, to suppose him incapable of stating his own grievances in a plain respectful manner.

The petition was ordered to lie on the table.

Saturday, 21 January 2017

21st January 1817: London Committee of Trades suggests the 'suppression or suspension of machinery' to the Home Secretary

Jan 21st=1817. —

My Lord—

we the undersigned are appointed by the committee of Trades, to attend your Lordship with a petition, relative to the Suppression or the Suspension of Machinery.

we humbly entreat your Lordship to receive the same Personally, as it is the wish of those who have deputed us for this Business.—

we wait your Lordships Pleasure
& remain,
Your Lordships,
HumblB & Obedt Servants

Wm Booth
Jno Sawyer
[illegible] Clark

To the Right Honble
Lord Viscount Sidmouth
Secretary of State
for the
Home department—

['Petition' is below]

Sawyers

The working of machinery throws 800 Men entirely out of employ out of 2000 besides depriving half of those who are in employ of a regular supply making the aggregate quantity of [illegible] Labour not more than employment 600 out of 2000 Men

Calico Printers

Cyllender—
One machine will print 250 Pieces 24 yards each Piece in 12 Hours by the employment of 2 Men [and] 1 Woman

The same quantity in the same given time would employ manual labour 40 Men 40 [and] 40 Women & Boys

Surface machine —
One machine will print 250 pieces 24 yards each in 12 hours by the employment of 2 Men [and] one Woman

The same quantity in the same given time would employ my manual labour 40 Men [and] 40 Women

Copperplate or flat Presses—

One machine prints 18 Pieces 24 yds 12 hours & employs 2 Men

The same quantity in the same time by manual labour would employ 30 Men [and] 30 Boys

London Trade has 13 Roll Machines
—108 Flat presses

When the above Machines are workd by Steam or Water they take one man less to each machine

Printers

Bensley & Sons Patent Mahcine workd by 15 Men [and] 2 Women Will do as much in any given Period as Another machine now erecting on the same plan—
The Times Office Machine—workd by 4 Men [and] 2 Boys
Will do as much in any Period as 12 Men [and] 5 boys
In the latter the reduction of manual labour is even 2/3ds

Rope Makers

—Making of Cables—

A 13 Inch cable made by Machinery throws out of employ 52 Men

A 20 Inch cable made by Machinery throws out of employ 107 Men

Added to this the purchaser is deceivd in the quality of the article, as the cable cannot be made its regular & proper weight in proportion to its size, without being put upon the stretch by manual labour—How extensive this evil if, we calculate the many thousands of lives which are thus endangered.—

The Spinning Jennys

One end of a thread Spun by the Jenny will not draw the other 50 Fathoms without breaking
Whereas a thread workd by hand Labour is stretchd out by the tackle will bear its regular strain without breaking 200 [Fathoms]

Public suffer a deception in the yarn spun by these Jennys, as the external part (to cover the defect of the internal part of the strand) must be workd by hand Labour—

a 6 Inch shroud throws out of employ 16 Men
a 11 Inch shroud throws out of employ 41 Men

[on reverse] From the Artizans &c of London & Westminster

Thursday, 30 June 2016

30th June 1816: Journeymen Clothworkers of West of England appeal to the Prince Regent for aid

June 30, 1816

That Wee the Journiman Clothworkers of the west of England do humbly beg that your Royal Highness will be so good as to take into Consideration the Distresses of your Petitioners wich are now labouring under the greatest Distress owing to Mechinery and that your Petitioners that have for so many years been out Fiting for your Royal Highness and old England do feel them selves greatly Injured by the use of Mechinery and that your Petitioners was greatly in hopes that when it Pleased the Allmighty to send a peace that we Should have a Trade to Come home to but how shocking was the Change when we Came to our nation home to find so many Poor Pepol out of Employ and it is Distressing to see so many out of work and are now at this Present moment lying in the streets of Bradford and Trowbridge and its Neighbourhood and in time of war there was no giggs nor Frames at Trowbridge but [illegible] to relate it is now Increasin Every Day and that your Petitioners have nothing to support themselves and their Familys but the small sum the Parish will alow and that is but very little Indeed and it was agreed [illegible] to your Petitioners when they Heard the sound of Peace but now they are Compelld to wish for another war to keep from Starving wich will be certainly be the Case if your Royal Highness and the Royal House do not take it into Consideration so we your humble Petitioners do most humbly beg of your Royal Highness to do something further as your Petitioners requires nothing but to live BY their Labour after serving Seven years Aprenticeship

[To] His Royal Highness
The Prince Regent

With Speed London

Saturday, 21 May 2016

21st May 1816: Stockport Weavers petition to Parliament

To the Honorable the House of Commons of the United Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland in Parliament assembled the Petition of the Cotton Weavers and the Town of Stockport and Neighbourhood

Humbly sheweth,

That there at present upwards of fifteen Thousand Individuals in the Town and Neighbourhood of Stockport to have hitherto earned their Subsistence by Cotton-Weaving.

That, according to the prices paid for Cotton Weaving in the early part of the Year 1814 a diligent weaver might earn on an Average to the Amount of Sixteen shillings and sixpence per week—

That owing to the vast Reduction which has taken place in the prices of Cotton-weaving since that period, it is out of the power of an industrious weaver to earn more than five shillings per week—that a view of these circumstances will convince your honorable house of the utter impossibility of a Cotton-Weaver by labouring at the present prices being able to procure subsistence for himself and family and of his inability to pay the common Demands of Rent, Leys and Taxes which are much greater with him than other Mechanics owing to the greater Extent of Premises required for Loom-Standing &c

That your Petitioners are not able to point out the Causes which have led to such a lamentable reduction in their wages nor do they pretend to suggest the means of removing such Causes but they rely with the strongest hope and Confidence that your honorable house when thus informed of the deplorable State of your humble Petitioners will in its wisdom and humanity adopt the speediest method of affording them Relief for which they well as in duty bound ever pray &c

Sign’d on behalf of the Cotton-Weavers of Town and neighbourhood of Stockport

[21st May]

Tuesday, 27 May 2014

27th May 1814: Leicestershire Frameworkknitters publish petition for new prices

THE Humble Petition of the Workmen, engaged in Plain, German-ribbed, Berlin, Cord, Jackwarps, &c. Framework-knitted Pieces. To the Gentleman Hosiers, engaged in the manufacturing of such goods.

GENTLEMEN,

Your Petitioners beg leave to state, that the price of their labour has at various times been reduced, particularly about three years ago, and the reason assigned to such reduction was, the very low and depressed state of the trade. Impressed with the force of your reasoning, your Petitioners cheerfully submitted to the privations consequent upon such reduction, under an implied persuasion from yourselves, that, when the cause ceased, the effect itself would be removed. The happy and unexpected change has taken place on the Continent of Europe has brightened up every prospect—given an irresistible impetus to commerce, and restored trade to its wonted happy tone. Your Petitioners, therefore humbly submit to your consideration, that their present application for the undernamed prices, will not be considered as ill-timed by your respectable body; which prices were drawn up at a Meeting held at Hathern, Leicestershire, the 16th of May instant, consisting of the deputies from fourteen towns and villages.

Signed on behalf of the Meeting,
DANIEL ROPER, Secretary.
SAMUEL OLDERSHAW, Sen. Treasurer.

List of Prices solicited to be paid.
Plain peices, 80 gauge, 18 inches wide, per yard 0s. 11d.
German ribs, fine 2s. 1d.
Ditto, sham 1s. 10d.
Ditto, coarse 1s. 7d.
Single loop, sham 0s. 11d.
Ditto, coarse 0s. 10d.
Raised cord, fine 2s. 3d.
Ditto, sham 2s. 0d.
Ditto, coarse 1s. 9d.
Berlin, worsted 2s. 0d.
Double hipped cord 2s. 9d.
Treble ditto 3s. 0d.
Double bar 3s. 3d.
Jackwarps, fine 2s. 3d.
Ditto, sham 2s. 0d.
Ditto, coarse 1s. 9d.

N.B. The Workmen also most earnestly solicit that their work may be paid for by the RACK, which is admitted by all to be an undeviating standard of justice.

Friday, 17 January 2014

January 1814: A Nottinghamshire Framework-knitter, George Ward, petitions the Prince Regent for relief

To his Royal Highness, George prince of Wales
Regent of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland—

The humble petition of George Ward Sheweth, Having had the misfortune during the late disturbances at Sutton in Ashfield, Nottinghamshire, to have had two wide frames broke, the one a lace frame and the other a Stocking frame my property which cost me £73—10—and earned by the dint of industry, likewise part of my shop windows broke which has reduced me to the greatest distress, and as such am not able to get the same repaired. How at the same night I apprehended two of the rioters George Jeffries, who impeached and was admitted evidence for the Crown against Benjn Hancock and Gervase Marshall who was transported and John Bradbury with several others that was delivered by proclamation and George Green who I apprehended and was transported and I also identified the person of Robert Poley in prison who pleaded guilty and was transported, Moreover I was repeatedly down at Mansfield before the Magistrates Coll. Need and Major Boothby Esqr. for examination to the above, and on the following March Assize I was nine Days at Nottingham and at Midsummer Assize following I was four days for which I have never recd one farthing for the loss of my time or any thing else, and moreover my shop windows remain boarded up not being able to get the same repair’d, one frame I have got repair’d but the other is in the hands of the framesmith deposited in his hands for payment for his charge for repairing the other, he informs me if he is not immediately payed he will sell it to the best bidder. Having mentioned the above to Coll. Need he tells me he does not act as Magistrate this year being sheriff— and sent me to Thos Maltby Esqr having told the same to Thos. Maltby and Genl Hall the Magistrates for the division they said they was not there at the time or would have seen me righted before now, and Major Boothby is removed from this neighbourhood. Some time back I laid my case before Coll. Elliott, Thos Evans and __ Longdon Esqrs Sitting Magistrates in Nottingham, they all of them told me I was entitled to the rewards offer’d and it was at home I had nothing done for me before this but they could do nothing for me it was out of their division but they gave me a Letter to Mr. Woodcock of Mansfield the Solicitor for him to precure the rewards offerd in your Royal proclamation for me, And Mr. Sculthorp informs me that the rewards are paid into the hands of Mr. Woodcock some time since but I have not as yet recd one farthing for nothing.

In last November where before the Sitting Magistrates in Nottingham Mr. Evans told me that the Secretary of State had gave all the rewards offerd to Mr. Stevens of Mansfield, and that the Committee had closed and they could do nothing for me —

If your Royal Highness will have the goodness to see justice done to an unfortunate poor sufferer who took two of the first Ludds that was taken even one in the very act of breaking my frame (George Jeffries) your Royal Highness will keep me from the parish, and if your petitioner will ever pray—

[To his Royal Highness George Prince of Wales etc]

Saturday, 1 June 2013

1st June 1813: Lord Byron introduces Major Cartwright's petition in the House of Lords

On Tuesday 1st June 1813, Lord Byron made another appearance in the House of Lords, this time on the subject of the way the authorities had treated the radical reformer, Major Cartwright, in particular in Huddersfield the preceding January:

My Lords, — The petition which I now hold for the purpose of presenting to the House, is one which I humbly conceive requires the particular attention of your Lordships, inasmuch as, though signed but by a single individual, it contains statements which (if not disproved) demand most serious investigation. The grievance of which the petitioner complains is neither selfish nor imaginary. It is not his own only, for it has been, and is still felt by numbers. No one without these walls, nor indeed within, but may to-morrow be made liable to the same insult and obstruction, in the discharge of an imperious duty for the restoration of the true constitution of these realms, by petitioning for reform in parliament. The petitioner, my Lords, is a man whose long life has been spent in one unceasing struggle for the liberty of the subject, against that undue influence which has increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished; and whatever difference of opinion may exist as to his political tenets, few will be found to question the integrity of his intentions. Even now oppressed with years, and not exempt from the infirmities attendant on his age, but still unimpaired in talent, and unshaken in spirit — "frangas non flectes"  — he has received many a wound in the combat against corruption; and the new grievance, the fresh insult of which he complains, may inflict another scar, but no dishonour. The petition is signed by John Cartwright, and it was in behalf of the people and parliament, in the lawful pursuit of that reform in the representation, which is the best service to be rendered both to parliament and people, that he encountered the wanton outrage which forms the subject-matter of his petition to your Lordships. It is couched in firm, yet respectful language — in the language of a man, not regardless of what is due to himself, but at the same time, I trust, equally mindful of the deference to be paid to this House. The petitioner states, amongst other matter of equal, if not greater importance, to all who are British in their feelings, as well as blood and birth, that on the 21st January, 1813, at Huddersfield, himself and six other persons, who, on hearing of his arrival, had waited on him merely as a testimony of respect, were seized by a military and civil force, and kept in close custody for several hours, subjected to gross and abusive insinuation from the commanding officer, relative to the character of the petitioner; that he (the petitioner) was finally carried before a magistrate, and not released till an examination of his papers proved that there was not only no just, but not even statutable charge against him; and that, notwithstanding the promise and order from the presiding magistrates of a copy of the warrant against your petitioner, it was afterwards withheld on divers pretexts, and has never until this hour been granted. The names and condition of the parties will be found in the petition. To the other topics touched upon in the petition, I shall not now advert, from a wish not to encroach upon the time of the House; but I do most sincerely call the attention of your Lordships to its general contents - it is in the cause of the parliament and people that the rights of this venerable freeman have been violated, and it is, in my opinion, the highest mark of respect that could be paid to the House, that to your justice, rather than by appeal to any inferior court, he now commits, himself. Whatever may be the fate of his remonstrance, it is some satisfaction to me, though mixed with regret for the occasion, that I have this opportunity of publicly stating the obstruction to which the subject is liable, in the prosecution of the most lawful and imperious of his duties, the obtaining by petition reform in parliament. I have shortly stated his complaint; the petitioner has more fully expressed it. Your Lordships will, I hope, adopt some measure fully to protect and redress him, and not him alone, but the whole body of the people, insulted and aggrieved in his person, by the interposition of an abused civil, and unlawful military force between them and their right of petition to their own representatives.

His Lordship then presented the petition from Major Cartwright, which was read, complaining of the circumstances at Huddersfield, and of interruptions given to the right of petitioning in several places in the northern parts of the kingdom, and which his Lordship moved should be laid on the table.

Several lords having spoken on the question,

Lord Byron replied, that he had, from motives of duty, presented this petition to their lordships' consideration. The noble Earl had contended, that it was not a petition, but a speech; and that, as it contained no prayer, it should not be received. What was the necessity of a prayer? If that word were to be used in its proper sense, their Lordships could not expect that any man should pray to others. He had only to say, that the petition, though in some parts expressed strongly perhaps, did not contain any improper mode of address, but was couched in respectful language towards their Lordships; he should therefore trust their Lordships would allow the petition to be received.

Wednesday, 22 May 2013

22nd May 1813: The Leeds newspapers report on a massive petition for parliamentary reform

On Saturday 22nd May 1813, the Leeds Mercury carried a letter about a local petition for parliamentary reform:
PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.

MR. Editor,—The Committee for conducting the Petition from Leeds, and its neighbourhood, praying for a reform in the Commons House of Parliament, request that you will oblige them by inserting in your next paper the following

REPORT.

The Committee have the pleasure to report, that by active perseverance in this best of public causes, they have been enabled to overcome difficulties that at first appeared insurmountable.—In the discharge of this patriotic duty, they have had to encounter the frowns, the insults, and even the threats, of the enemies of Reform; the most violent of whom they found amongst persons who, by various means, contrive to live upon other men's industry. Such characters can easily comprehend how a great deal of money should be received very little labour; but that much labour should be performed for no reward whatever, either in hand or in prospect, is to them a thing quite incomprehensible. From this cause, your Committee have frequently been stiled mischievous agitators; they have been told that their services were paid for by some "factious Reformer," and that their motives were selfish and abominable. To all the slander they had only to reply, and they challenged any man living to contradict them, that their Motives were Pure—their Services Voluntary, and their Labours Free and Unbought, and to express their fervent wish that all the Members of that Assembly, which it is the object of this Petition to reform, in rendering an account of their stewardship, should be able to lay their hand upon their heart and make the same honest declaration.

Your Committee have the pleasure further to state, that a number of their countrymen, amounting to 17,472, have placed their signatures to this Petition, which has for its object the overthrow of the Borough Faction, by whose pernicious influence the commerce of the country is paralized—its taxation increased—the price of all the necessaries of life advanced—and war and bloodshed continued.

It remains only for them to add, that the Petition which they this day transmit to the House of Commons, originated with the labouring classes, and by then it has been carried through, unaided by any persons above their own rank, with the exception of one individual, by whose patriotic kindness they were furnished with sheets for signatures, and to whom they beg to express their sincere obligations. To this service they have applied the labour of 120 days! and they trust that persons in other places, influenced by their example, and encouraged by their success, will promote similar Petitions—that the names of thousands, and tens of thousands of Parliamentary Reformers, will soon cover the Table of the Chapel of St. Stephen’s, and that, in the nervous language of the Apostle of Reform, "the Borough Faction will be made to bend like a broken reed," before the thunder of the public voice.

Leeds, May 14, 1813.
Two days later, the Tory Leeds Intelligencer responded in acerbic fashion, linking reform with Luddism:
"WHAT! are You not contented YET?"

See page 48, proceedings at York, Jan. 1813.

Can any man in his senses be still ignorant of the nature of that political reform which is likely to be brought about by seventeen thousand labourers? Can any man in this Riding "above the rank" of a labourer, in the teeth of recent transactions, countenance the iniquitous practice of incessantly repeating to the ignorant and unthinking, the declarations that "bad trade, taxation, the high price of the necessaries of life, and war," are all the effects of Borough influence, and other corruptions of Government, which some theoretical reform is to cure—and yet hold up his head in the presence of men of reflection and principle?

Did not one individual above the rank of a labourer appear publicly in Lancashire immediately after certain trials at Lancaster? Did not the same individual appear at Huddersfield immediately after certain trials at York, expressly to repeat these notions, and to rally the spirits of baffled reformers? ‘Tis readily enough granted that this conduct cannot be encouraged by any but the most grovelling minds, yet the countenance of these low and wicked proceedings is not confined to Labourers.

I ask again, what is the direct, natural tendency of that unqualified censure which is daily poured forth upon the measures of our country’s rulers?—If we think it no sin to "despise dominion," are we still blind to our own private and personal interest?—Do we still imagine that " ‘tis only the obnoxious shearing-frames?" only the rotten Boroughs?—Are we absolutely stupefied by [pettiso], party prejudices, and narrow calculations? where is the cool deliberation, the enlarged views, the foresight and prudence, the manly spirit, the generous candour, the religious firmness of Britons?

The gasconading strut of so many thousand names to a popular petition, is of itself contemptible enough, more especially when it is considered that dozens and scores of these names have been affixed without moving a yard, and that not one of the persons in a score, has any conception what the petitions mean. But the infamous use that is made of such petitions, to inflame the worst passions of the unguarded multitude, should be openly discountenanced by every friend to society and government.

Our whining peaceable philanthropists will soon teach these 17,000 united labourers, the vast proportion they bear to the population of the neighbourhood in which they live; the multitude of their affiliated brethren in other places; the aggregate importance in the State; their wisdom; their strength; and, of course their right to insist upon attention to their humble voice. Are we so dull as not to see the consequences?

E.

Monday, 11 June 2012

11th June 1812: 37 men arrested at Peace & Parliamentary Reform meeting in Manchester

The White House (previously the Prince Regent's Arms) in 1967
In the evening of Thursday June 11th 1812, political repression in the North of England plumbed new depths.

Ever since the rioting in and around Manchester of April, the voices for parliamentary reform inside the workers organisations had been stronger than those urging direct action and machine-breaking. Colonel Fletcher's spy, John Bent, had recorded those debates and the activity of the Manchester Committee which was now concerning itself with petitioning Parliament and addressing the monarch. The meeting to finalise these documents was to take place at the Elephant public house on Tib Street in Manchester at 8.00 p.m. on that Thursday night.

John Knight, a 49 year-old manufacturer and ex-handloom weaver, as well as a political radical, seems to have been one of the driving forces behind the meeting. He had previous personal experience of repression, having been sent to prison in 1794 for 2 years for making a seditious speech in Royton, Lancashire. So when he arrived at the Elephant and was told by someone present of the strong rumours that the Manchester Deputy Constable Joseph Nadin would interrupt the meeting, his initial instinct was to stand firm.

But Knight then heard that a sizeable number had already assembled at another public house nearby - the Prince Regent's Arms on Ancoats Lane - the old haunt of the Manchester Secret Committee. Knight therefore decided that the meeting should reconvene there, and upon arriving, they found a room that he estimated could hold between 40 and 50 people.

By 9.45 p.m., all of those expected were present and everyone had got a drink and the meeting began to proceed to business, by now 2 hours late. Knight made sure that everyone present introduced themselves, stating their occupation and place of residence, and then proceeded to read the resolutions of the 26th May meeting, and then the address and petition. A debate followed, with Knight making it clear that he was not in favour of direct action and machine-breaking, but that he considered that petitioning was the way forward. The meeting was interrupted by the landlord, John Brown, informing the group that it was 11.00 p.m. and that pub was now shut to new customers and he wanted to close, and so Knight decided to move to financial matters and to close the meeting as soon as possible.

As the contributions were being paid on the top table, the Deputy Constable of Manchester, Joseph Nadin, entered the door carrying a blunderbuss, quickly followed by around 30 Scotch Greys with muskets, all with fixed bayonets. Nadin advanced to the top table, and challenged Knight and another man who had only been there around 15 minutes, William Washington, to declare the purpose of the meeting: upon being told 'peace and parliamentary reform' and being handed a copy of the printed resolutions, Nadin said he didn't believe them - that the meeting was a pretence and a cover for something else.

Joseph Nadin, the Deputy Constable of Manchester
Nadin then set about ordering the arrest of all of the 37 men present. They were all searched, and their names, occupations and addresses were taken. Finally, their hands were tied and they were taken to the New Bailey court-house/prison at Salford. Knight challenged, who admitted he had no warrant, but told the men that Magistrates were already sitting at Salford.

The names, residences and occupations of the 37 men arrested subsequently appeared in the Lancaster Gazette of 20th June 1812, and are as follows:
From Manchester: John Knight, manufacturer; William Washington, agent (debt collector); Simon Simmons, spinner; Charles Woolling, spinner; Robert Thorneley, spinner; William Coppock, fustian-dresser; John Kershaw, joiner; Charles Smith, cutter; Thomas Harsnett, shoemaker; Thomas Cannavan, calico printer; Joseph Tilney; Daniel Jevins, turner and filer; Stephen Harrison, tinplate worker; Edward McGinnes, bricklayer; James Hepworth, broker; Rycroft Hepworth, weaver; James Lawton, spinner; Robert Slack, turner and filer; James Buckley, spinner; James Boothby, weaver; Edward Phillips, weaver.

From other places: John Howarth, a cutter from Salford; Thomas Cooke, a weaver & Eric Oldham, a hatter , both from Denton; Randal Judson, a warper from Audenshaw; John Haigh, a weaver of Brody Lane, near Oldham; Thomas Wilkinson, a weaver from Failsworth; Charles Oldham, a hatter & James Knott, a hatter, both from Hyde; John Oldham, a sawyer from Stalybridge; Aaron Marvel, a weaver, from Hollingworth, near Mottram; John Godly, a hatter, from Newton, near Hyde; Edmund Newton, a spinner, from Hadfield, Derbyshire; Aaron Whitehead, a Weaver, from Ashton-under-Lyne; John Newton, a bricklayer, of Roundthorn, near Oldham; James Greenwood, a weaver & Isaac Birch, a Weaver, both from Droylsden.
Knight was not to know at that stage, that it was one of those initially present at the meeting - a weaver called Samuel Fleming - who had brought the authorities down on the men present. He had previously approached a Manchester Magistrate and former commanding officer of the local militia he had belonged to, Colonel Silvester, informing him that he was being urged to take an illegal oath by a man called Thomas Broughton. Silvester set about arranging for Fleming to become involved with and to be twisted-in by Broughton and any co-conspirators, leading the authorities to them. On the 11th June, Fleming had seen his opportunity - after meeting with Broughton and going to the Prince Regents Arms, he left the meeting early at around 10.00 p.m. and informed Silvester and Nadin about it & his alleged 'twisting-in'. We know the rest.

Friday, 18 May 2012

18th May 1812: The Manchester spy, John Bent, files his latest report for Colonel Fletcher

On Monday 18th May 1812, Colonel Fletcher's spy 'B' (aka John Bent), finished another report for his master.

On 12th May, Bent had met a delegate called Taylor from Newcastle-under-Lyme from Staffordshire. Taylor brought the usual tale of high numbers of those 'twisted-in' and weapons ready to be used: he told Bent that 7000 men were sworn-in and they had 2380 guns, pistols and swords. Others were ready with Pikes. Irish delegates were passing through the town, bringing the usual news about hundreds of thousands being ready, that had been a feature of Bent's reports for months. Bent described Taylor as being 5'7" tall with a dark complexion, of slender build with dark eyes, a bold speaker, 'hath a good utterance' and dressed 'genteel' in black, wearing boots.

Bent had met another man from Huddersfield. He told Bent that all the local Croppers were twisted-in to an oath along similar lines they already knew about, but with the following difference:
they are to helpe haid & asist to the best of their power & ability in destroying all Mechenery who May be determental to them or deemed so and Bound to keep the secerit at the forfit of their life

Bent went on to say of the Huddersfield Croppers that "it is impossable to stop them at present".

Bent then related how the Committees in Manchester had now done all that they could to move away from machine-breaking and assassination. He related how the weavers had even stopped twisting-in, mainly because there had been a dispute between them and the spinners, tailors and shoemakers committees. Things were so bad that the spinners had stopped paying subscriptions.  The head of the weavers secret committee, John Buckley Booth, had sent his wife to the head of the spinners to demand payment, threatening to hand himself in to the authorities and to tell all if subscriptions were not paid up. The reply sent back was that Booth should 'do his worst'. In the meantime, the weavers' secret committee had destroyed their papers, fearing they were compromised. Bent gave a description of Buckley Booth: 5'4" tall, thin, 'tallow complexion' and an ex-dissenting preacher.

Bent believed that these three committees would not be allowed to send delegates to the Committee of Trades meetings and the different direction this group was now taking - that of petitioning for peace and parliamentary reform. He reported that despite the occupation of the area by the military and the other measures in place that the spinners, tailors, shoemakers, bricklayers, fustian cutters, joiners and other trades still met at least once a week.

That day, the 18th, Bent had attended a meeting of trades, to take forward the petition for peace and parliamentary reform. Delegates attended from Huddersfield, Saddleworth, Glodwick, Hollinwood, Ashton, Audenshaw, Denton, Stalybridge, Stockport & Manchester. The meeting lasted 6 hours and passed 5 resolutions: all agreed to the wording of the petition, which was read out. The committees from Saddleworth and Stalybridge funded the printing costs, contributing £1, 11 shillings and 6 pence. Bent himself was again elected to the role of treasurer and gave receipts. Bent promised to send Fletcher copies of the petition and resolutions as soon as he could.

Bent ended his report by stating that the drowned militia Sergeant Moore was an informer who had been found out. He had been working undercover for a Colonel Taylor.

Sunday, 29 April 2012

29th April 1812: Huddersfield bourgeoisie petition the government for help

To the Right Honorable the Secretary of State for the Home Department

The Memorial of the secret committee for the preventing unlawful depredations on machinery and Shearing frames in the Town and neighbourhood of Huddersfield in the west Riding of the County of York.

Sheweth,

That the Town and neighbourhood of Huddersfield have been greatly disturbed by the nocturnal depredations of Shearman and other lawless Characters, associated under the pretence of destroying certain shearing frames worked by machinery – but which your memorialists believe to be only a cover the much deeper designs.

That such depredations, having succeeded in destroying nearly all the Shearing frames which are not connected with establishments on a large Scale, proceeded on the 12th inst. to commence a regular attack upon a large mill at Rawfolds in this neighbourhood, occupied by Mr William Cartwright & used entirely free shearing with the obnoxious frames; but, after having kept up a brisk and well directed fire for a considerable time, & attempted to force the doors & windows by large sledge hammers, without effect, they were repulsed; and left two of their party desperately wounded upon the spot, who are since dead.

That the depredators finding themselves unable to destroy the large establishment by force, have changed their plans, and now avow their intention to accomplish their purpose by means of assassination; and that your memorialists have obtained credible information that parties associated for these diabolical purposes, bind themselves by the following Oath,

“I. AB. do swear in the presence of Almighty God that I will be faithful to the Object to which this Oath is taken – moreover that in Case of failure in point of fidelity by any person, I will pursue him to death, and the Verge of nature”. So help me God”

That in pursuance of their new System, the above named Mr. Cartwright strongly suspects he was fired at within a quarter of a Mile of Huddersfield in broad Day, on his way home from the market, but happily without effect - And, but yesterday Mr. William Horsfall of Marsden near Huddersfield, who was one of the principal proprietors and a strenuous supporter of the shearing frames, on his return from the Market early in the Afternoon was waylaid by four persons within a mile and a half from this Town, who fired at him on the Turnpike Road, and lodged four slugs in his Thighs and the lower part of his Body, and he is now lying alive indeed, but without any hope of recovery—

That the respectable and loyal Inhabitants of the Town & neighbourhood are generally deterred from coming forward in support of the outraged Laws of the Country, by threats of assassination, which are held out to all who are acting, or are suppose likely to act in opposition to the designs of these lawless men. And already Joseph Armitage Esqr. the Son of the neighbouring Magistrate, and an active Special Constable has had his Lodging Room twice fired into. And one Mr George Whitehead another active Special Constable has been shot at when going to bed with a candle in his hand, and two slugs and a large piece of Bone lodged in his Apartment. And one Allen Edwards another special Constable in Huddersfield had his low house & Hay Loft set on fire last Monday Evening; and during the fire various reports of the assembling of mobs in different parts, were propagated, and the firing of musquets, sometimes singly, and at other times as if in Vollies, were heard in various directions & appeared to have been intended to divert the attention of the military and call them out of Town, that the Town and prison might be left unprotected in order to afford an opportunity of rescuing several prisoners confined therein, on suspicion of being concerned in the attack on Mr Cartwright’s mill - And some of the military Officers also, have been knocked down in the Streets, and the most violent threats been held out against the whole of them—

That one Betty Armstrong who was suspected of having given information against one of the wounded Men in Custody was assaulted by a mob in a most inhuman way last friday night in the Town of Huddersfield, at the door of an Inn where a piquet of Horse is regularly station, & was rescued from destruction by dragoon at the Hazard of his life – And on the following morning as she was on her way to a magistrate she was again assaulted by a mob at midday, who stand her in such a manner that she now lies languishing at an Inn & her life is despaired of

That while these alarming occurrences have been taken Place the neighbourhood Villages have held meetings (which have been attended by nearly the whole Population) to petition the magistrates not to enforce the Watch & Ward Act, and even the people of Huddersfield have themselves petitioned against it: and, tho’ it may not have been openly declared to the Magistrates, it is well known and openly avowed to be General determination among the lower and middling Classes is to oppose its being acted upon; and hitherto it is not enforced—

That in all the depredations committed by these designing men they have taken away all the fire arms they could collect, and within the last week several Houses have been forcibly entered by armed men and arms taken away, which they have tauntingly said “they would bring back when the wars were over”. And they now boast that they shall soon be able to meet their Enemies in the open day, and in various anonymous Letters they boast their numbers to be nearly 30,000, and possess a connexion with the Roman Catholics of Ireland.

That is such a state of things, the ordinary means of maintaining peace are all together insufficient – the extraordinary ones are not submitted to, and the intended Actors in them scarcely trustworthy — information of the plans of these diabolical men is not to be procured – no rewards a large enough to tempt them – and even unwilling witnesses are in danger of their Lives – the courage of the bold is useless – the timid are terrified – and every loyal man feels himself in jeopardy –

Having disclosed these facts, Your Memorialists leave it to the Wisdom of Government to adopt such measures as it shall think prudent under the existing Circumstances; but your Memorialists cannot conclude without suggesting that any measures short of a general search for Arms, or subjecting the Town neighbourhood to a lenient exercise of military Law, will not have much Avail —

Huddersfield
29th April 1812

Thomas Holroyd
Thomas Allen
W W Stables
Jno. Battye
John Whitacre
Jas. Crossland
Jo: Haigh
Jno. Allison
Francis Vickerman
Thos. Atkinson

Tuesday, 3 April 2012

3rd April 1812: Thomas Latham writes to Framework-knitters with a copy of the Petition to Parliament

1812. April 3

Committee Room Nottingham

Sir

You are desired by the Committee to give Notice to the Workmen of your Town and Neighbouring Villages, that you have received a Copy of the Petition, which you will have the goodness to get signed and kept very clean, You must forward it to Nottingham when Signed by Thursday next at farthest you will not fail as the Petitions from all Parts must be in London by next Saturday

I remain Sir
Yours with the utmost Respect

Thos. Latham.

NB All the Males in the Trade may sign but no Women.

1812.

To the Honourable the Members of the united Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in Parliament assembled.

The Humble Petition of the several persons whose Names are hereunto subscribed the Frame work knitters of the County, and the Town, and County of the Town of Nottingham.

Sheweth

That great deceits exhorbitances and Abuses are used and Practised by many of the Professors of the Art and Mystery of Frame work knitting, and by Persons denominated Hosiers and Lace Manufacturers and that many intrusions are made by inexperienced and unskilful Workmen to an extent not only alarming to ourselves but distructive to the Trade in general for which grievances we cannot obtain redress without the aid and Wisdom of Parliament.

Your Petitioners therefore most humbly Pray that leave may be given to bring in a Bill for speedily redressing those grievances of which we have so much reason to complain under such regulations and restrictions as to this Honourable House shall seem meet.

Saturday, 24 March 2012

24th March 1812: Massive petitions against the Orders in Council are sent to London from the Leeds area

On Tuesday evening the 24th March, three massive petitions left Leeds for London. Each of them was signed by 16,000 to 17,000 people and they were addressed to the Prince Regent and the Houses of Commons and Lords. The petitions called for the rescinding of the Orders in Council.

The day before, Earl Fitzwilliam had spoken on the subject in the House of Lords, as recorded by Hansard:
He [Fitzwilliam] said he should have several petitions to present from manufacturers and other commercial persons, complaining of the injurious and destructive consequences resulting to their interests from the Orders in Council: and that, when these petitions should be before the House, he should feel it incumbent on him, to come forward with a motion for the repeal of so injurious a system.

Wednesday, 29 February 2012

29th February 1812: Birstall Manufacturers & Middle Class petition Joseph Radcliffe for aid

To Joseph Radcliffe Esquire one of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the West Riding of the County of York—

Sir

We, the undersigned, Inhabitants of Heckmondwike and Liversedge in the parish of Birstall, have received information that several acts of violence and outrage have lately been committed in the Neighbourhood of Leeds and Huddersfield, particularly the destruction of Machinery used for the dressing of Cloth, and buildings containing such machinery, by Bodies of persons lawfully assembled in the Night, and acting on a systematic plan; — and we are induced to apprehend that there is a design formed by these misguided or ill-designing people and their adherents, to carry their destructive plans to still greater lengths; as well from the Extent to which the Frame-Breakers in Nottinghamshire (whom they seem to copy as their Model) have carried their mischievous Operations, as, also, from the arrangement, the secrecy, and the dispatch, with which they have conducted themselves near Leeds, and recently in your immediate Neighbourhood. The Tenor of an anonymous letter this day addressed to the older of an Establishment containing the kind of Machinery above mentioned, threatening the Destruction of such Machinery, and the life of the owner in case his resistance should injure any of the assailants; and, moreover, a threat thrown out very lately in Liversedge, intimating that the principal Inhabitants are in danger from the number of pistols in High Town (in Liversedge) which seem to us to manifest the same spirit, and to bear upon the same point.

These and similar considerations induce us, the undersigned, to think that every prudent precaution ought to be used, and every measure pursued by the Neighbourhood to prevent the spread of the mischief, and to detect and apprehend offenders against the public Peace & security, and [obscured] would greatly tend to this salutary purpose if a body of cavalry could be stationed in Heckmondwike Liversedge and Cleckheaton all in the same Parish, as the presence of a few regular soldiers would encourage and strengthen the defence of Property, which the owners with their confidential servants may be enabled to make.

We therefore beg leave to request that you will be pleased to take into your consideration the exposed state of the machinery and property of this Neighbourhood, and, if you should think it advisable, to give directions that a small Body of Cavalry may be stationed, for a while in Liversedge Cleckheaton, and Heckmondwike for the defence of property there, and for the expeditious pursuit and apprehension of any misguided persons who may attempt to violate the Laws by which property is intended to be secured. Such a measure, we presume, might be of use in facilitating the communication with, and the support of the military in Leeds.

Saturday 29. Feb 1812.

[Signed by the following]

Jeremiah Firth
John Oates
Franc Popplewell
Robert Clifford
[W] Child
Thos Brooke
Alist Thompson
Hammond Roberson
Thos Cockill
John Smith
JW Wadsworth
James Lister
Thos Lister