29th May 1817: A writer to the Home Office tells of a Middleton man visiting the late Luddite trials

My Lord

I take leave to acquaint your Lordship that on the 15th March, in passing from Coventry to Birmingham by Coach, I accidentally got into the company of a man whose name I afterwards understood to be Bedford from a place called Middleton near Manchester

I again saw and had much conversation with the same Person on 21st and 22nd March at Leicester, and from whom I then understood that he was directed by his associates (the disaffected in and about Manchester) to attend the Trials of the Luddites there to collect any useful information that might transpire on the Trials of these men.—I appeared to have got entirely into the confidence this man, who told me that he intended going from Leicester to Nottingham and Sheffield, that at both of which places they had many Friends particularly at Sheffield, and at which place I appointed again to meet him, where he promised I should be introduced to some "good Fellows, friends to liberty"—So far I consider not worth troubling your Lordship about, but this man at Leicester shewed me the model (turned very neatly in wood) of a most ingenious Pike or Dagger, one part of which was intended to form the Head of a walking stick, and the other part a distinct Knife, and the very great facility with which it could be converted from Knife to Pike or Dagger was well conceived—he said that they had got several hundreds of the Head part manufactured at Birmingham, and at Sheffield they intended to have the Knife part manufactured, and that he intended when in Sheffield to get a few Friends together and to whom I was to be introduced.—

I remained at Sheffield from 25th to 31st March, and then went to Nottingham, and enquired for Bedford at the House he said he should be at there, but could hear nothing of him.—I returned to Sheffield on 5th April, and remained there until the 9th, but have not seen any thing more of this man, and am entirely unable to account for his not calling on me at Sheffield—I had a very good deal of conversation with him, particularly at Leicester, and which if it is at all desirable to your Lordship to be made acquainted with, I shall have great pleasure in communicating, if your Lordship will permit me to have a line addressed to me at Mr. Gwynne’s Solicitor’s office—Stamp office Somerset House, with your Lordship's commands on the subject

& I have [etc]

J Johnston

29th May 1817.

[To] Ld— Viscount Sidmouth

6th December 1812: The Middleton Manufacturer, Daniel Burton, dies aged 68

The Manchester Mercury of 12th December 1812 informed it's readers that the Manufacturer Daniel Burton, owner of the steam-loom factory at Middleton that had withstood a 2-day siege in April, had died on Sunday 6th December 1812 aged 68. At the time, he was living in Manchester.

Burton's cause of death was not commented upon and indeed, this was a good age for 200 years ago, but it is possible that what had happened in Middleton over 7 months previously may have led to an earlier death than he could have otherwise expected. Absurdly, and without any trace of apparent irony, the Mercury commented that Burton had been "(to) the poor a sympathizing and generous friend".

2nd September 1812: The lesser-known cases at Lancaster Summer Assizes

On Wednesday 2nd September 1812, sentencing took place at Lancaster Summer Assizes. A number of cases were decided there which do not usually feature in any of the histories of Luddism, but which nevertheless deserve to be recognised and/or highlighted.

Six prisoners were on trial for rioting at Middleton during the 2-day disturbances in April: they had all been tried for arson at the Lancaster Special Commission in May, but were acquitted, and then immediately charged with rioting to be tried at the next Assizes. Robert Ogden and James Taylor were imprisoned for 18 months, with Paul Greenwood, John Scholes, Abraham Ogden & John Kenyon being imprisoned for 2 years.

Six women who were arrested after the Lancaster Special Commission for taking part in rioting at Barton-upon-Irwell in April were also brought before the Court: whilst Elizabeth Birch, Mary Clare, Mary Dunn were acquitted, Mary Barlow, Elizabeth Benyon & Sarah Parkinson were found guilty and imprisoned for 1 month.

Solomon Low - someone taken up by Captain Francis Raynes during his stay in the area of Mottram - was convicted convicted of having stolen three loads of meal at Ashton-under-Lyne, during rioting in April and sentenced to 6 months imprisonment.

John Brown, the landlord of the Prince Regent's Arms in Manchester, taken up along with Humphrey Yarwood by John Lloyd in June, was not prosecuted for being present at the administration of an illegal oath.

Messrs Rowe & Duncough, the owners of factory at Westhoughton which was destroyed by Luddites in April, brought an action for recovery of their losses against the Hundred of Salford, no doubt because the military failed to act at the time, even though they were alerted. The verdict was given in their favour, and they received 'upwards' of £7000 in damages, and enormous sum of money.

Lastly Edmund Newton, one of the 'Manchester 38', who had been acquitted 5 days before was re-arrested at the end of the trial, charged with administering an illegal oath in Tintwistle and re-committed to Lancaster Castle to stand at the next Assizes.

29th May 1812: The trials of Thomas Brookes, Hannah Smith & more Middleton rioters at Lancaster Special Commission

On Friday 29th May 1812, three more trials took place at Lancaster Special Commission.

Thomas Brookes (aged 27) was accused of entering, with up to 100 other people, the house of John Cooke at Pendlebury, near Salford and robbing Cooke of two £1 notes. He was acquitted.

Hannah Smith (aged 54) was accused of multiple offences alleged to have been committed during the three days of food-rioting in Manchester.

She was held to be the woman that had approached Charles Walker, who was selling butter in Ardwick on the 22nd April 1812, and informed him that he could sell his butter at reduced prices or see it taken from him. After Walker was afterwards pursued by a crowd to the outskirts of Manchester before being stopped, it was said that Smith was the woman who climbed onto his cart to help deliver out the butter and collected the proceeds of auto-reduction. This was regarded as highway robbery by the prosecutors, a highly unusual charge for food rioting. Smith gave no defence to the charge.

Smith was also accused of grand larceny for her alleged actions in Manchester on the second day of food rioting there on 20th April 1812.  She was accused of stealing potatoes with a crowd of others at Bank Top in town from a James Radcliffe, as well as inciting many to join in this and other actions during that day. In her defence, she denied ever touching the potatoes.

Smith had no witnesses to counter the accusations, and was found guilty of both offences.

Following this, 6 prisoners, all but one of them women, were put to the bar accused of riot in Middleton on 21st April 1812. The accused were Ann Butterworth, daughter of Robert (19), Samuel Howarth (17), Alice Partington (42), Millicent Stoddard (28), Ann Butterworth, daughter of William (19) and Ann Dean (20). A witness attested that the 6 accused were part of a 200-strong group of armed men and women who had proceeded to the houses of two employees at Burton's Mill, Benjamin Cooke & James Kay, who were suspected of being amongst those who fired on and killed people the day before outside the mill. The houses of Cooke & Kay were ransacked, with Cooke's furniture being broken and burned in the street. Although alibis were given, all six were 'without the least hesitation' found guilty.

30th April 1812: Threatening letter to Nathaniel Milne, Salford Coroner

Sir,

This would be an error that our very blood could not expiate, if these lines were stuff’d with nothing but mere malice and injustice; for conscious we are you must at first think so: but if you will take a little advice from a few friends, you will then immediately become an apostate to your principles—The Fable of, “The Plague amongst the Beasts” - is well worth a coroner’s reading—Had some poor man murder’d two or three rich ones in cool blood, Nat. Milnes would then have buss’d in the ears a “Packed Jury" loaded with contagion, these Words, “Willfull murder”—instead of “Justifiable homicide”: but know thou cursed insinuator, if Burton’s infamous action was “justifiable”, the laws of Tyrants are reasons’ dictates—Beware, Beware! - a month’s bathing in the Stygian Lake would not wash this sanguinary deed from our minds; it but augments the heritable cause, that stirs us up to indignation—

Milnes if you really are not a Friend to the great Oppressors, forgive us this-but if you are-“the rest remains behind”—

Ludd finis est.

21st April 1812: Attack on Burton's Mill at Middleton - Day 2

After the disorder and resulting slaughter that had taken place at Middleton in the daytime on Monday, in the evening the crowd had not just gone home quietly. The Leeds Mercury reported that "Monday night was occupied with rallying ... scattered forces and obtaining an accession of strength".

Samuel Bamford proceeded early to his job in Manchester, thereby missing what was to come.

Early on Tuesday 21st, the crowds had gathered again, only this time they were out in greater numbers. They had been augmented by a large number of Colliers from Hollinwood and Saddleworth, some of whom were carrying shotguns, and most of whom had brought their pickaxes. At 10.00 a.m. that morning, these men had called at the arms depot of the Oldham Local Militia, with the Adjutant William Chippindale had again anticipated an assault on the building, and although the crowd collected there had looked like they would mount an assault, they again changed their minds and instead looted gun powder from nearby shops, before proceeding to Middleton. Others with them carried all kinds of weapons, even scythes mounted on poles.

Scouting parties had detected the presence of the military at Burton's mill and whilst a presence was kept up outside it, other tactics were employed. The houses of some of those workers who had decided to side with Burton and against their class the previous day, and were not at home now, had their houses plundered of furniture, which was then piled up in the streets and set alight. Bamford said that "In this manner the furniture of one cottage at Back-o'th'-brow, and that of two others at the Club houses was destroyed." The Colliers from Oldham and Hollinwood used their tools to destroy the end wall of one such house, and we know the names of three of Burton's assassins whose homes were attacked: Benjamin Cooke, James Kay and Edward Taylor. The Colliers were next called away to nearby Rhodes to help out with another plan about to be implemented.

Emanuel Burton's house, a mansion called Park House at Parkfield, had been abandoned by the family after the happenings of the previous day. At 1.00 p.m, a crowd of 200 people proceeded to comprehensively loot it, as Bamford describes:

"the mob immediately ransacked the cellars and larder, the younger ones crunching lumps of loaf sugar or licking out preserve jars, whilst the older hands tapped the beer barrels and the spirit bottles, or devoured the choice but substantial morsels of the pantry or store-room. This part of the business having been accomplished, the work of destruction commenced, and nearly every article of furniture was irretrievably broken."

Bamford goes on to describe how, inside the house, two "dark-haired and handsomely formed" "Amazonian damsels" called Clem and Nan, apparently the daughters of an old weaver who lived on the outskirts, then escalated the matter:

"Come," said one to the other, “let's put a finish to this job,” and taking up a shred which lay on the floor, she lighted it at the fire which had been left burning in the grate. In a moment the sofa was on fire; the sofa set the curtains in a blaze, and sofa and curtains communicated the flames to the floor and window, and at the expiration of probably half an hour not a beam nor a board remained unconsumed in the whole building.

The Lancaster Gazette later stated the damage to be around £2000, which included the barn and stables (a week later, the Hereford Journal raised this to £3000). The crowd waited until the roof had fallen in and then proceeded another quarter of a mile. They had the same fate in mind for the home of Daniel Burton, at nearby Rhodes, and demanded meat and drink from those in the house. Apparently, they spent 90 minutes eating and drinking, and managed to consume 2 barrels of ale kept in the house.The crowd gathered around it was eventually dispersed by the returned Scots Greys, who Colonel Clay at Manchester had dispatched at about 2.00 p.m., and no damage was done.

It seemed that in certain parts of Manchester, word had got out about Middleton, and some were prepared to lend a hand. Colonel Fletcher's spy John Bent, reported that he had heard that the same afternoon, up to 427 mainly Irish workers in the Boardman Square district, many armed with pistols and swords, were prepared to head to Middleton, but were held back by their 'leaders'.

Both William Chippindale and the Lieutenant Colonel John Lees of the Oldham Local Militia went on to recount to the Home Office other activities apparently being conducted in Middleton that day. They described how a number of "revolutionary Jacobins" were about town wherever there were large numbers of people as well as in all the public houses. They were equipped with large ruled sheets of paper, at the top of which was an illegal oath, and they were collecting names of those who wished to take part in a rising against government on the 4th May. However it is hard to find these accounts convincing, especially as they seem motivated to procure military aid fearing similar occurences in Oldham as had taken place in Middleton and other towns.

Colonel Clay later reported to the Home Office that the crowd outside Burton's mill
quickly dispersed upon the appearance of the Scots Greys, but many took up positions on higher ground as well as in the Church Yard, and those with firearms proceeded to fire on the military. After apparently having three vollies of shots directed at them in this way the Cumberland Militia set about returning fire, killing several people. The Greys then proceeded to "clear every point they occupied", killing and wounding even more. Samuel Bamford again described some of the victims and how they died:

"A man named John Nield, from Oldham, was shot through the body by one of the Greys whilst attempting to escape near Alkrington Hall; another man was shot by one of the Greys, and left for dead, near Tonge Lane; a woman, also, who was looking through her own window, was fired at by another of the same party, and a bullet went through her arm. But a Serjeant of the Militia earned deathless execration by shooting an old man, named Johnson, from Oldham. Johnson had never been nearer to the mob or the factory than the Church public house, where he had sat in the kitchen with the family, and had smoked his pipe and drunk a glass or two of ale. Towards evening, when it was supposed that all the disturbance was over, he strolled into the churchyard, and was standing with his hands in his coat pockets, reading the inscription on a grave-stone at the steeple end, when a Serjeant and private of the Militia, having ascended the Warren, caught sight of him from mongst the trees; the Serjeant went down on one knee, levelled, fired, and killed the old man dead, the ball passing through his neck."

The Leeds Mercury said that in addition to these deaths, "a great number" were wounded. William Chippindale attested that "the country about Middleton is strewed with killed and wounded." 17 people were arrested.

By 6.00 p.m. the crowds had dispersed.

Heading home from Manchester, Samuel Bamford described what he saw "individuals on the road who were returning to Manchester with fragments of picture frames and mahogany goods in their hands."

It is hard to establish the true number of dead. A week later, the Times said that the toll was 12 dead and between 60-100 wounded. This is unsurprising given another statistic quoted in the same paper - that between 2000-3000 rounds of ammunition had been fired by the military.

But is possible to piece together other names of the dead and statistics about them which seem to have been missed from the most regularly referred to works. The Morning Chronicle of 28th April adds Thomas Jackson, 20 year-old a hatter from Oldham and John Johnson, a joiner.

The Chronicle also adds a weaver called John Sudwell of Ratcliff (i.e. Radcliffe), but this may be the same man named by Bamford, if spelled slightly differently (Bamford has John Siddall of Radcliffe Bridge). The same publicaton also has a Daniel Knott from Oldham, rather than Bamford's David Knott, a 21 year-old glazier. Again, it could be a different man. The Chronicle also informs us that the George Albison mentioned by Bamford was called Albinson, a 19 year-old weaver.

Regarding the wounded, the Chronicle reported that a week later, the only person who could be "ascertained with certainty" was a weaver called James Taylor, son of an Abraham Taylor of Oldham, and that he was believed to be mortally wounded at that time. But this contrasts with the Times dramatic figures, likely to be true given the number of rounds of ammunition fired. The Derby Mercury of 30th April had 27 wounded, 9 of them 'very severely'.

On the 29th April, the Hereford Journal reported that "a number of dead bodies had been found in the adjoining woods" (Prentice says that 2 were found there), and gave a new death toll of between 25 and 30 people. All of this was after the Coroner's inquest, which took place only a day after the second attack of the Mill, on Wednesday 22nd April and found that the slaughter was 'justifiable homicide'.

Writing at 11.00 p.m. on the 21st, Colonel Clay reported to the Home Office that "none of the military were hurt". Given the toll exacted on the people of Middleton, one can only add more's the pity.

The next day, the Burton's issued a notice: "D. Burton and Sons have determined not to work their looms any more."

And so the objective of the weavers at Middleton was achieved, but not without further cost. Burton dismissed 400 workers, many of whom subsequently left the town within a few days.

It is ironic that when we think of Luddism, the tragedy of the 2 dead men (and possibly a further 3) at Rawfolds in West Yorkshire always springs to mind. But what occurred at Middleton over those 2 days was of an order of magnitude that is, by contrast, almost quietly forgotten.

The Leeds Mercury of 25th April engaged in classic Liberal hand-wringing, despairing:

"For many years the military of this country have been solely employed against our foreign enemies; but now, unfortunately, they are under the necessity of acting against their own misled countrymen, and the tranquility of the country is only imperfectly preserved even at the point of a bayonet!"

But the lesson for the authorities would be that they had to tighten their grip on the North. Contrasted with his scaremongering tales of Jacobins on the street corners making big lists of names, William Chippindale did make one salient point:

"If more military be not sent into the country, they will not be called upon to prevent it, but will be required to reconquer it."

20th April 1812: Colonel Clay informs the Home Office of the state of Manchester & the surrounding towns

Manchester
20. April 1812
½ past 11 o’clock. P.M.

Sir

In consequence of information I received from the Police Office at a late hour last night, I occupied the points previously agreed on for the protection of the Provision warehouses before seven o'clock this morning, which had the desired effect. The Town has, however, been in a most disturbed state all day; so much so, that it became necessary to read the riot act this afternoon; & towards Evening, to call out the whole Garrison for the purpose of dispersing the mob & clearing all the Streets; which has been attended with some difficulty, but affected without material injury to any one.

In the midst of the tumult here, expresses arrived from Ashton, Middleton, & Eccles — with requisitions for Troops—. At the former place the mob plundered several shops in the town & demolished the windows of the Inn — at the latter, the people had assembled & evinced a disposition to Riot; but at Middleton, the mob made a most daring attack on the works of Mr. Burton, who has nobly defended them, & shot five of those wretches on the spot. I sent immediate assistance to him, & have since heard that all is quiet there: but to Ashton & Eccles I could not spare a man; as I am fully aware that the disturbances in the neighbourhood are principally intended to draw off the force from hence.—

I have also been informed that the People at Worsley have been very riotous today; but I have nothing official from thence.

A great number of people have also been levying Contributions on different Gentleman's families at their Country Residences in the Vicinity of Manchester this morning.

I have the honor to be,
Sir,
Your most Obedient
Humble Servant

JG Clay – Colonel
Commanding at Manchtr

The Right Honble
The Secretary of State
Home Department
&c &c &c

20th April 1812: Attack on Burton's Mill at Middleton - Day 1

Between Monday 21st and Tuesday 22nd of April 1812, one of the most bloody and prolonged  examples of civil insurrection in the history of the UK took place in the Lancashire town of Middleton, 5 miles from Manchester.

The focus of the raging discontent in the town over the 2 days was the mill of Daniel Burton & Sons which utilised mechanised (steam) looms. Emanuel Burton knew trouble was brewing and had armed around 40 to 50 of his employees who had taken up positions in the mill. He had apparently been drilling them in the use of firearms for weeks. Burton also had 2 field pieces in the yard of the mill, although it is not recorded that they were used.

On the Monday, towns nearby and others across the North West of England had experienced extensive food rioting. Middleton was no exception. Around 2.00 p.m. large numbers of men arrived from the surrounding districts, many armed with sticks and bludgeons, and proceeded to empty shops in the upper part of town of provisions like bread, cheese, bacon and groceries. Bamford (1893, p.245) describes this body then amalgamating and taking the turnpike road down into the main part of town to meet those already gathered there.

According to Prentice (1851, p.53) the crowds that had gathered at the bottom of Wood Street, outside the mill initially amounted to 2000 people, and were now joined by those who had conducting the rioting in the upper part of town, totalling 3000. A pistol was fired from the crowd, which seemed to be the signal for proceedings to begin. A group of boys leading the crowd began shouting and then threw stones which broke windows in the mill. The crowd joined in, and then attempts were made to try to force entry. Burton ordered his workers inside the compound to fire blank cartridges to try and scare the crowd off. About 50 blanks were discharged over 15 minutes or so, but the crowd soon realised the shots aimed at them weren't finding any kind of target. Bamford (1893, p.246) describes a cry going around the crowd "Oh! they're nobbu feyerin peawther; they darno shoot bullets" and the crowd, unintimidated, renewed their attempts to get into the mill.

Seeing this, Burton decided to use live ammunition. In the ensuing battle, at least five of the crowd were shot dead, and at least 18 injured. The crowd now began to disperse in fear, and a troop of Scots Greys and a detachment of Cumberland Militia arrived from Manchester and cleared the streets. The Greys later returned to Manchester and the Militia took up residence in the mill.

Samuel Bamford (1893, p.246) gives not only the names, ages and home towns of those shot dead, but also the locations where they fell in Middleton itself:

"Joseph Jackson, sixteen years of age, and David Knott, aged twenty, both from Oldham, were killed at the end of Chapel Street; John Siddall, of Radcliffe Bridge, aged twenty-two, was killed lower down the street; and George Albison, a young man from Rhodes, was wounded whilst going along the highway, and shortly after bled to death, there being no surgical aid promptly at hand."

Bamford, a Middletonian, arrived home from work in Manchester after the streets had been cleared and the military retired. He describes the 'agitated' minds and 'fierce denunciations' of local people against Burton and his men, contrasted with very little criticism of the food rioters. He also described his alarm and anger at his wife Jemima who, in telling him what had happened that day, admitted she had followed the crowd to the mill and watched what had occurred, and was not far from one of the men who was shot dead when he fell.

But whilst what had happened that day was extraordinary in itself, what was to occur the next day was even more so.