20th November 1816: James Towle makes a confession prior to his execution

Unlike most of the Luddites (or alleged Luddites) held prisoner, the notorious Nottinghamshire Luddite James Towle gave a confession prior to his execution. Of course, it is impossible to know the circumstances under which it was given and, at this point, Towle had been imprisoned for several months and had had his hopes raised and dashed by an unsuccessful appeal. E.P. Thompson considered that this confession 'may have been designed to throw his questioners off the scent' (1991; p.627), but it does contain names of men who were subsequently tried for Luddism. Either way, it is fascinating reading.

The end of the document also contains a commentary about Towle's behaviour before he was executed.

Statement made by Jas. Towle on the morning of his execution namely the 20th of November 1816 to Mr. Pochin, the High Sheriff and Mr C.G. Mundy.—

Towle said that he knew nothing of any plan to destroy Heathcoates Lace Factory at Loughbro’ until a few days or a week before it took place—that what he had said to Kilbourn, that something would take place on Friday night alluded to something that had been talked of among the Luddites to be done at Nottm but which did not take place.—That the first he heard of an intended Job at Loughbro’ was  from Mitchell who came to him a few days previous to the above Job & told him it was intended to go to Loughbro’ & to destroy Heathcoates Factory & that he, Towle, must make one of the party; Towle replied he thought he could not go as he had some work in his Frame to finish—Mitchell [said] he must go as it might be a strong Job & they were afraid of [being] short of hands & could not do without him—Towle then consented to go—Towle came by himself from Basford by way of Leek to Loughbro’—He did not stop at any house on the way, or meet any body he knew; he only [arrived] at Loughbro’ just before the attack on the Factory commenced—does not know whether the Gang assembled in Morley’s Barn or not; they were all in the Street [going] down to the Factory when he [arrived]—Towle knows none of the Loughbro’ men; but understood that Badder had been over to Loughbro’ to settle the [business] with some of Heathcoate’s hands & collect money & that all Lacey’s hands subscribed—Knows one Pounder a Lace hand of Heathcoates by sight, understood he was there, but did not see him—Saw Mitchell, Savage, Slater, Peter Green, two Blackburns, Hill, Amos Crowder, Wm. Towle, a man who goes by the name of Sheepshead Joe & a man who has been a Soldier & goes by the name of the Dragoon, neither of whose real names he knows—all these persons came the neighbourhood of Nottm—Slater carried an Axe—As the party entered the Gates of the Factory a large Dog barked—He (Towle) fired his Pistol at the Dog—That they made their way to the Casting house where the Factory Watch was.—He was not one of the Foremost of the Gang at entering the Casting house—A Pistol went off in the Casting House before he entered—that when he entered three or four men were lying in a heap under the Workbench with their faces close to the Ground & two of the Gang he does not know which standing guard & pointing their Pistols at them—He went on with the greater part of the Gang into the Ground floor or Setting up Shop and from thence up the Stairs to the next Story but positively declares he never went up to the top Shop at all—Says he saw Mitchell with a Gun and fixed Bayonet in his hand & that Slater has told him with while in Gaol that the Witnesses had mistaken Joss (meaning Mitchell) for him (Towle) as it was Joss that went first up the Staircase with the Gun and Bayonet, Towle says he thinks Slater said it was the Dragoon that went up next with 2 Pistols; Slater himself with his Axe was the third—Towle thinks it must have been one of the Blackburns that fired the Pistol in the Casting house & wounded Asher as he heard some of the Gang on their road home saying they should have nobody to thank but Blackburn if any of them got hanged—Some of the Gang wanted to carry the two fire locks that they found at the Factory home with them but that others said it might cause them to be discovered—one of the Firelocks was thrown into a Pond that is close to the Factory he cannot say whereabouts but he heard it all into the Water—Sheepshead Joe guided the party on their return from over the fields by Garrington Park—the other Firelock was thrown away somewhere in the fields—they crossed the Derby Road & made the best of their way, some walking some running to Aram’s ferry—The persons above named & 2 or 3 more besides himself crossed the Trent in Aram’s Boat—He heard one of the Gang (he thinks Savage) say the Boatman was to have 10 [shillings] to hold his Tongue—On getting out of the Boat he saw Morris (a Butcher of Chilwell) & another man waiting for the Boat, Morris could not know him as he had a handkerchief all over his face—He knows Morris.—He, Mitchell, Wm. Towle and one other, he is not sure which stopped for some refreshment at Chilwell at the house of a man who married Wm. Towle’s Sister does not know his name, after they had had some ale, they all set off together on their way home—that he being tired and lame owing to a pair of tight shoes which had pinched him the whole Journey, the other 3 outwalked him, which caused it to be alone when Barnes met him—Says he is sure Barnes must know Mitchell as well as he knew him, but that there is not a Police officer in Nottm that dare bring Mitchell into trouble as he is so great a favorite amongst the Luddites—That the Police Officer who appeared at Leicester Assizes to give evidence for Slater is connected with the Luddites; that one Lowater is an advice man among the Luddites—that Gladwin of New Basford is a thief but not a Luddite—that he and Lowater make it their business to loiter about the Police Office & to dodge the officers at public Houses & Buzz them with false tales—Towle is quite sure that if the Police Officers of Nottm chose they might detect the Luddites very shortly but that they know that if Ludding were put down there would be no occasion for so many of them—Says that they consider Barnes as their greatest enemy & he thinks he will be murdered, says that the conversation, which was overheard in Gaol between Slater, Badder & himself was misunderstood it was not as reported "We must remember the old Barn & get them out please God we get at liberty again" it was "We must remember old Barnes & get him out."—Says that Mitchell and Savage [appeared] to be the head men of the Loughbro’ Job—believes that Savage had been over to Loughbro’ as well as Badder to settle about it—the gang came in separate small parties into the neighbourhood of Loughbro’ in the course of the day preceding the Attack—Some came by the Coaches from Nottm—others took a large circuit and came into Loughbro’ on the Leicester side to avoid suspicion; heard some of them say that they had waited till dark at Needleys Inn which the public House about a mile out of Loughbro’ on the Leicester Road—Says Mitchell has been a leading man among the Luddites ever since the Ludding Business began which is about 5 years ago—that Slater & Savage have also been old hands at it—Believes that Slater has broke more frames in his time than any man in the County of Nottm—that if the hammer which was produced in Court could speak he would tell horrible tales—Slater told him in Gaol he thought he broke more than 20 of Heathcoates machines himself—that a worse man than Slater cannot exist—that he talks with the greatest pleasure of ale the mischief he has ever done and, Towle said "If you 2 Gentlemen who have never kept bad company could hear how Slater goes on in his talk it would make your hair stand on an end, he neither fears God nor Devil"—A few days before the Loughbro’ Job took place Mitchell & Towle went together to one Diggle a young man about 3 or 4 & 20 years of age then living at Basford to get him to join in the Job—Towle thinks Hill, went with them but is not sure—Diggle refused to join them saying he would have nothing more to do with them as they had only paid half what they had promised for the Radford Job—On taking leave and shaking hands with Mr. Mundy immediately before he was turned off Towle said "I have not told you a word of a lie it would be of no use to me now"—

The following is what Mr. Pochin has related to Mr. Mundy as substance of what has fallen from Towle, in various conversations he has had with him in addition to the above.—Mr. Pochin has Memorandums of it in writing with which he has promised to furnish Mr. Mundy.—

Towle never took an oath of secrecy or indeed of any kind nor ever heard of any being made use of among the Gang—that they have no particular fund of money for that when any Job is intended or wanted for any purpose—It is collected among the Stockingers or Lace hands who happen to be in work at the time, that the sum required of each is so small it is never refused—the Frames would be sure to be soon broken if it were refused—they have no Depot of Arms that many of the Gang have a Pistol or 2 concealed in their houses & that when a Job is intended they borrow them of each other—He believes Savage bought a Brace of Pistols at Derby on purpose for the Loughbro’ Job—He knows of no persons in the higher ranks of life that are connected with them—That when any Job is intended 3 or 4 of the principal people go about to collect hands for it among those who they know to be well inclined to Ludding—Mr. P. understood him to say that tho’ Badder had had a great hand in planning the Loughbro’ Job he was not himself at it—Towle said that it was the Dragoon that fired so random in the Street at Loughbro’—thinks Sheepshead Joe has lived at Lambley no long time since—as the Gang returned from Loughbro’ towards Aram’s ferry they passed a man in a white smock Frock with a Cart—Some of the Gang abused him & threatened to shoot him—this is the only person besides Morris the Butcher of Chilwell and his man that Towle remembers Meeting—Says that there are plenty of people in & about Nottm that know of their goings on that some are friendly towards them & others are afraid to speak—That generally speaking the Hosiers & master Manufacturers are so much disliked among the Common people that they would sooner see their property destroyed than not—That if any of the Stockeners are suspected of not being friendly to the Luddites they take every means of injuring them & plaguing them by destroying their Potatoe and Onion Beds in the night cutting up their Gooseberry & Currant bushes (in the night) if they have any and soforth—A very handsome Powder Flask was taken from Heathcoate’s Factory—Mr. P. has a [memorandum] of who took it—he could not recollect the name of the man who took it but will inform Mr. Mundy—Towle says that the Luddites have had no hand in any thing that he knows of beyond destroying Machinery—that he has heard some of them talk about going to London to alter the Government but considered this as random talk.—

Towle died penitent & seemed to have a right sense of religion, & bitterly regretted he had not availed himself of the opportunity offered him of making these discoveries in time to save his life—acknowledged that he had been a very bad one but thought that Mitchell, Slater & Savage were worse—thinks they never will be quiet till they get hanged, seemed to pride himself in the idea that tho’ he had been a Luddite he had never been a thief—Strongly suspected that Badder saved himself by having given some information against him.—He refused to see [several] people from Nottm & Basford who came to seem on the morning the execution & the day previous—Lowater among the rest—who called several times & was extremely pressing to see him—Towle would converse with nobody but Mr. Pochin & Mr. Mundy;—was removed from the Gaol to the new House of Correction where the Execution drop by night at his own request thinking it would agitate his mind to pass through the Crowd that would be assembled if he were removed by daylight & seemed very anxious that the removal of his body to Basford & his funeral should be as private & as quiet as possible—His great anxiety seemed to be about the future fate of his wife & Children & was very anxious that they should go to reside with his mother & expressed great gratitude towards the High Sheriff & the Gaoler for the treatment he had experienced since his condemnation adding that his long [imprisonment] had been of great service in bringing his mind to the calm state of Resignation it was in & of which he frequently spoke with the greatest comfort & satisfaction—the crowd was immense, some say 20,000, but Mr. C. Mundy thinks there were not more than 10,000—The Troop of the 15th Huzzars that are quartered at Leicester were ordered to remain in readiness at their Stables but the Civil power were alone present at the Execution—Every thing was perfectly quiet & orderly—He declined making any address to the Spectators.—

19th November 1816: James Towle writes a letter to his wife the night before his execution

Dear WIFE,

In a few more hours I shall be no more. But my dear Creature in my last moments it is my duty to beg of you to seek for that peace in God which is far beyond my pen to describe or tongue to speak; and my dear Girl above all, I hope you will bring my dear Children up in the fear and love of God, and then you will find a friend; a friend that will support you through all the troubles of this world, and in the hour of death, give you that comfort that will raise your mind far above all treasures that the earth can afford. My dear Girl this afternoon there has been a gentleman that wished to see me, and made me a present of a pound note for you my dear Children, and he promised me that he would bring it to you himself with this letter, and promised me that he would do something for you towards making you comfortable, and my dear I have no doubt but my Mother will be agreeable to you and my dear Children to be with her, and I hope and trust she will be a Mother and a Guardian to mysweet Babes, which in so short a time will be Fatherless. Dear Wife, my last words are, may God Almighty bless and protect you and my dear Children in this world, and prepare you for the world to come, is my sincere prayer.

From your Dying Husband,
JAMES TOWLE.

Tuesday night [i.e. 19th November 1816], 10 o'clock.

16th October 1816: 'Investigator' writes to the Leeds Mercury in defence of Machinery

Mr. EDITOR—I do not all agree with "Observator," in your last week’s Mercury, in the recommendation of a Tax on Machinery, neither do I think many of his arguments and conclusions are good ones. His remarks appear to have arisen from a desire to relieve his country from the difficulties under which it labours. But I conceive that, as well as many others, he has mistaken the legitimate objects that occasion our distress, and of course failed in pointing out where we are to look for remedies. Though pauperism may have increased with the extension of machinery, it does not follow that they should be cause and effect, nor even that there should be any connection between them. I believe there has not been any general scarcity of work for these many years past, until the present, nor while our trade flourished, did many apply to their parishes for want of work. Though they might be displaced by machinery yet they found employ in some other department, and I believe seldom had occasion to apply to their parishes. The great increase of pauperism may be accounted for by the lax state of the morals of the lowest class, and the decay of those principles of honour, which, from considering it shameful to become chargeable to their parish, taught them to provide for themselves against a time of need. What ought to have been laid up for the winter has been too often spent in the false sunshine of dissipation. There are still townships where this honour is preserved, when the labourer, like the industrious ant, provides against a day of scarcity, and I wish this were more general; but improvidence is one of the marked characteristics of our manufacturing poor. I agree with "Observator" that the factory system has had a great share in sapping the morals of the poor, and I lament it extremely with him.

His idea of a tax on machinery is so extremely speculative and impolitic, that I think very few words needful on that subject. For it is plain to be seen that such a tax on machinery as would create an expensive demand for manual labour, must be extremely high; machinery being so much cheaper a power, not to say any thing of the superior manner in which it performs many of the operations of the manufacturing process. Whatever tax might be laid on machinery would ultimately fall on the manufactured article, and would raise the price so much, that there is little doubt it would extinguish our export trade. If this is to be extinguished, as seems to be threatened from all more quarters than one, it is time for the British merchants, whose cheif trade is in the export of manufactured goods, to be looking around for some other country, where they may employ their capital unrestrainedly.

Instead of pressing remedies that would be worse than the evil they seek to cure, it is the duty of every Briton, quietly to wait a little longer for the amendment of the times. There is already in many places a considerable improvement, and I have no doubt the evil will work its own cure. We are not alone in our difficulties; so far from this, I know few countries where the people are in a better situation than in our own. If the disposition that is shown to relieve distresses by those are able to give, be met with equal readiness by the poor to submit to their deprivations for a time, I have no doubt but the sun, which has for a season been covered with spots, will again shine with increased splendour on the people of Great Britain.

INVESTIGATOR.

Leeds, November 11th, 1816.

14th November 1816: Seven knitting-frames damaged in Luddite copy-cat attack in Leicester

In the evening of Thursday 14th November 1816, a Luddite copy-cat attack took place at a workshop in Leicester. Within 2 days, the circumstances had been reported in the Leicester Chronicle of 16th November 1816:

We are sorry to learn, that seven frames, standing in the shop of one Richard Gumley, of this Town, were wilfully damaged on Thursday night. The Magistrates were engaged on Thursday morning in the investigation of the transaction, and we had that a youth of the name of James Lodge, who worked and slept at Gumley’s, has been fully committed for Trial. It is clear from various circumstances, that no other person was concerned with him in this outrage, and there appears to have been no possible motive for it but a pure spirit of mischief or a wish to do something which should be talked about. The shop is a detached building, and situate about eight or ten yards the House. Two other men who lodge at Gumley’s were at work in it until about ten o'clock on Thursday night, and they then went into the House to get their supper and go to bed. Lodge remained in the shop about half an hour after them without any assignable motives, and he should have locked the door, when he left it. They all went to bed, two of them in one room, and Lodge in a separate one, about a quarter before eleven, and in the morning when they got up to go to work, Slaney who went first to the shop found that the door was latched, but had not been locked all, and there were no appearances of force used either at the windows or door; no footsteps were discoverable in any of the adjoining Gardens, nor in any other direction, but from Gumley’s House to the shop. And this was the more observable from the circumstance of snow having fallen during the early part of the night. The mischief was effected by piece of Iron called a Roller belonging to a Frame in the shop which was not in work, and the violence was so slight as to have occasioned little or no noise. The damage is estimated at about 12l. We are glad that this prompt and successful investigation is likely to relieve the Town from what would otherwise have been very pleasant state of feeling.

The Tory Leicester Journal adapted the same report (suggesting it was a local authority press release) the following Friday 22nd November 1816:

A momentary alarm of an unpleasant nature was excited on Friday morning last, in consequence of seven frames standing in shop of Richard Gumley, in a bye lane in the neighbourhood of Churchgate, having been wilfully damaged during the preceding night. In the investigation of the transaction before the Magistrates, it appeared that a youth of the name of James Lodge aspiring to Luddite fame, had in a mischievous spirit committed the depredation, for which he is fully committed for trial. The shop is a detached building, and situate about eight or ten yards the house. Two other men who lodge at Gumley’s were at work in it until about ten o'clock on Thursday night, and they then went into the house to get their supper and go to bed. Lodge remained in the shop about half an hour after them without any assignable motives, and he should have locked the door when he left it. They all went to bed, two of them in one room, and Lodge in a separate one, about a quarter before eleven; and in the morning when they got up to go to work, Stanley who went first to the shop found that the door was latched, but had not been locked, and there were no appearance of force used either at the windows or door; no footsteps were discoverable in any of the adjoining gardens, nor in any other direction but from Gumley’s house to the shop; this was the more observable from the circumstance of snow having fallen during the early part of the night. The mischief was effected by piece of Iron called a Roller belonging to a Frame in the shop which was not in work, and the violence was so slight as to have occasioned little or no noise.

14th November 1816: The Home Secretary informs the Sheriff of Leicestershire about James Towle's appeal

Whitehall
Novr 14th: 1816.

Sir,

I think it right to acquaint you that the Judges have unanimously decided, that the Objections taken against to the Indictment against William Towle [sic], upon his Trial, at the last Assizes for Leicester, cannot be supported, and that his Conviction upon that Indictment is good.

It is accordingly determined, after a full Consideration of all the Circumstances of this Case that the Sentence of the Law shall be carried into Effect on the Day, to which the Execution of this unhappy Man was respited by Mr. Baron Graham: viz. the 20th Day of this instant November.

I have the Honor to be,
Yr
Sidmouth.

[To] C. W. Pochin Esqr.
&c &c &c

13th November 1816: James Towle's death sentence is upheld at the Court of Exchequer in London

On Wednesday 13th November, James Towle's appeal against his death sentence at Leicester Assizes was dismissed at the Court of Exchequer in London. Some of the contemporary articles are worth reading. First, the Courier of 14th November 1816:

COURT OF EXCHEQUER, Nov. 13.

CROWN CASE.

THE KING v. TOWLE.

 

At Twelve o’clock the Judges sat in the Exchequer Chamber, to hear the arguments of Counsel, on a special verdict, reserved in the prosecution of James Towle, one of the Luddites, who was tried with two others at the last Leicester Assizes, before Mr. Baron Graham, for shooting a pistol, with intent maliciously to murder George Usher.

 

Mr. DENMAN addressed the Judges in behalf of the prisoner, and stated, that a question was put to the Jury, after they had found a general verdict of Guilty against all the prisoners, Whether Towle was guilty of shooting the pistol? They answered, he was not the person who shot with the pistol. On that declaration a motion was made in arrest of judgment, and the case came before their Lordships, as a verdict of Guilty of maliciously firing, though the prisoner was not the person who fired. He had to contend, that the verdict, under such circumstances, was an acquittal.

 

Sir V. GIBBS.―The Jury do not find he was the person who pulled the trigger: but they find, that he feloniously aided and abetted the others in the unlawful act.

 

Mr. DENMAN then observed that he had to submit their Lordships, that the three last counts in the indictment, which charged the prisoner with being present, aiding and abetting the persons who fired the pistol, were not good, and that they could not be supported in law. He then proceeded to state why the judgment in the case could not be sustained against the prisoner.―The word feloniously, which was not annexed to the act of the prisoner, was required in law to set out the offence. In the three last counts of the indictment it was omitted.

 

Lord ELLENBOROUGH.―Do not the words imply that he was privy to the motive, which constitutes the fact?

 

Mr. DENMAN submitted that the indictment did not bear that construction.

 

Mr. REYNOLDS, in support of the prosecution, said, the finding of the Jury was a general verdict of guilty. His proposition, with respect to all the counts, was, that the whole were to be taken as one count. The circumstance of being present, aiding and abetting wilfully to commit murder, was indisputably a felonious act. It could not be denied that the prisoner was present aiding and abetting, and consequently he was privy to the felonious intent. There was enough to bring felony to the prisoner, without introducing the word “feloniously,” as contended for by his Learned Friend. He did not contend for any new construction of law, but one which had been acted upon during centuries, and was to be found in books of the highest authority. In the course of his argument he contended that the finding of the Jury was good, and that the verdict ought to be sustained.

 

Mr. DENMAN was heard in reply, and the Court was cleared.

 

The Judges gave no public opinion on the points.

 

The discussion of the above cause excited considerable interest. Nearly all the Gentlemen of the Bar were in Court.

The Leicester Chronicle of 16th November 1816 also covered the hearing:

COURT OF EXCHEQUER, Nov. 13. 

The twelve Judges sat in the Exchequer Chamber to hear arguments on the reserved case of _____ Towle, one of the men convicted before Mr. Baron Graham at Leicester. The Prisoner was one of those persons connected with the frame-breakers, and was charged with several others, with shooting at certain of his Majesty’s subjects with intent to kill. The two points reserved were, first, that the Jury having found the Prisoner guilty of being present, but not of firing the pistol he could not be found guilty as a principal: and further, that on account of the word “feloniously” being omitted in the counts, charging him with being an aider and abettor, neither could he be found guilty upon those counts. 

Mr. Denman was heard at considerable length in support of the objections taken at the trial, and submitted, that the Prosecutor’s Counsel, by having put the question to the Jury, whether the prisoner was the person who fired the gun or not, and having drawn from them an opinion, must not now complain, if that opinion proved fatal to the prosecution. 

Mr. Reynolds, on the other side, argued in support of the verdict Guilty; and contended, that the word “feloniously” being mentioned in the first count, must be taken to be so connected with the words “then and there present aiding and assisting” in the other counts, so as to over-rule them all. The Learned Counsel also contended, that this case came precisely under the provisions of the Black Act, and therefore, that all those aiding and abetting must be considered as principals. With respect to the question put to the Jury, and their finding upon it, the question itself was unnecessary, and the answer to it ought, in no way, to affect the verdict in any legal of view. 

The Judges took time to consider their judgment.

The same edition of the Leicester Chronicle also reported the outcome, which had started to appear in newspapers:

Towle the man who has been so long under the sentence of death in our county gaol, is at length likely to end his days in an ignominious manner; as we are informed, from unquestionable authority, that the twelve Judges have decided against him. It is supposed that he will be executed some time next week.

11th November 1816: 'The Secretary' of the 'Black Committee' of Luddites writes to the Editor of the Stamford Mercury

Head Quarters Nottingham Nov 11—1816

You have in several of your latest mercurys laid before the public several diabolical accounts of the luddites & their proceedings, by saying they had changed their proceedings from Frame to House Breaking, that plunder—was their only object that no man or even his habitation was safe within their reach—that we were the terror of the Surrounding Country &c &c &c—I have the satisfaction (my means of your mercury) to inform the public by order of the Black Committee of the independent Luddites of the Nottinghamshire Division that the public by means of your infernal mercury have been led to form a very wrong idea of these men—& the whole of your explanation is entirely false. When our forces in arms where employed in frame breaking the object was not the destroying of those frames in particular, but the giving of employment to men who was willing to work & their obnoxious machines prevented them from securing employment. & by so doing released a number of distressed Wives & starving families from the bitter pains of famine & hunger which surrounded them. When they were ordered to pursue house breaking as you are pleased to term it it is well known by experience that we only practised it upon the property of those who were able to spare it we never distressed any familys by it but we have by so doing frequently given relief to the distressed.

for instance our late glorious fire at Belvoir was attended with our former Success from there it is well known we procured several hundreds in Value of Costly furniture &c made to serve the trade and ambition of a single family but the value of them is now used to provide subsistence for those who have no other means of keeping in the land of the starving

We did therefore by this act taken it from whence it was only ornament & plac’d it where it is essensial use—when it has saved families from utter Want & destruction otherwise they would have shewn the most bitter signs of distress. Husbands ready to follow they Walk’d the streets in vain to seek employment, when he return’d his wife & starving family weeping & hanging around him ready to breath their last for want of necessary support. What can be more distressing to see this heart [illegible] display of slavery daily not only in one house but through a populous country brought to the State of Slavery by carrying out protracting & long & unjust War,

O Slavery thou friend of hells recess—
Profuse of Woes & pregnant with distress
Eternal horrors in thy presence reign
and meagre famine leads thy dolefull train
to each cursed load subjection add more weight
& pain is doubled by the peoples fate—
One nature spryhtly face spreadst a gloom
& to the grave dost every pleasure doom—

What man of heart could see this & not to lead his hand to reduce the mighty Lords who overrule our liberty & relieve the necessitious

If a man of [illegible] will look unto these calamities with an eye of Compassion surely he will speak as the [lines] of our committee does by saying plunder is not our object, the common necessarys of life is what we present aim at. What we may hereafter attempt time is the only thing that can explain perhaps if [armed] with success as our services deserve we may release the key of our immense load of taxation an unprecedented National Debt a Corrupt & Despotic Government a multiplied train of Undeserved Sinecures & unmerited pensions abolish all useless berths within the army navy Civil & Government Departments & that once throw off the Military Yoke under which we are present groan caused by the [cost] of Alliance with our Deceitful [Gold] found for us

Insidious Bane that makes destruction Smooth
the foe to virtue liberty & truth
whose arts the fate of Monarchies decide
Who gildst deceit the darling Child of Pride
How oft allured by thy persuasive charms
have Earths contending powers appeared in [arms]
What nations brib’d have ours thy powerful reign
For the what millions play’d the Stormy main
Travel’d from Pole to Pole with careless [will]
& felt their blood alternate freeze & Boil

thus I have given to the public a short description of Our Plan
experience in a short time will tell you more—&c

I remain for Lud & Co

The Secretary of The Committee

*I advise you to insert these lines or your life will only pay the refusal—
remember Belvoir

*It may appear an hard task for you to insert these lines in your next weeks columns but by so doing you will greatly oblige or by the refusal you will raise the [indignated] & attract the revenge of the injured friend of liberty

11th November 1816: The Watch & Ward Act is extended to cover more places in Nottinghamshire

Nottinghamshire—At a Special Sessions of the Peace of our Sovereign Lord King holden by adjournment at the Shire Hall in Nottingham in and for the said County on the eleventh day of November in the fifty seventh year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord George the third And in the year of our Lord 1816 before William Sherbrooke Esquire The Right Honorable Sir John Borlase Warren Baronet Knight of the Bath the Reverend Charles Wylde and George Holcombe Doctors in Divinity Robert Padley Thomas Maltby William Fletcher Norton Norton Pendock Barry and Henry Crape Esquires The Reverend John Kirkby and Robert Lowe Clerks Justices of our said Lord the King assigned to keep the Peace in the said County and assembled in pursuance of an Act of Parliament Intitled "An Act for the more effectual preservation of the Peace by enforcing the Duties of Watching and Warding until the first day of March One thousand eight hundred and fourteen in places where disturbances prevail or are apprehended” (and which Act hath been revived and continued by subsequent Acts)—

Whereas it appears to this Court that disturbances are apprehended in the several Parishes Townships or Places herein after mentioned and that the Officers ordinarily appointed are insufficient for the preservation of the Peace and the protection of the Inhabitants and the security of the Property being or lying in such Parishes Townships or Places respectively It is adjudged and declared that the Officers ordinarily appointed are insufficient for the preservation of the Peace and for the protection of the Inhabitants and the security of the Property being or lying in such Parishes Townships or Places And that every Man residing within such Townships Parish or Place above the age of 17 years and charged or assessed to the rates for the relief of the Poor therein shall be subject and liable to the duties of Watching by Night by and Warding by Day according to the Provisions of the Act of Parliament before mentioned And it is Ordered that the Powers and Provisions of the said Act be carried into Execution within the several Parishes Townships or Places following (viz.) Broughton Sulney—Holmepierrepont—Hickling—Cropwell Bishop—Cropwell Butler—Colston Bassett—Gamston—Kinolton—Owthorpe—Tythby—Clipstone and Saxondale—

Ordered

That the Clerk of the Peace do give Notice of the above Adjudications the Chief Constable of the Hundred in which the above places are situate and also give notice thereof to His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for the Home Department and also publish the same in the Nottingham Journal—

Upon application be made to this Court by and on behalf of the Inhabitants of the several Parishes of Mansfield and Normanton upon Soare It is Ordered that the powers and provisions of the aforementioned Act of Parliament be suspended within those respective Parishes until the second day of December next—

An application was made to this Court by and on behalf of the Inhabitants of the several Parishes or Townships of Bradmore—Bunny—Keyworth—Selston—Stapleford—East Leake—Rempstone—Costock—Tollerton and Barton to suspend the Powers and Provisions of the said Act of Parliament in those several Parishes or Townships respectively but such applications were on due consideration severally refused—

Adjourned to the Shire Hall in Nottingham to Monday the 2d day of December next at 10 o'Clock in the forenoon

By the Court
Godfrey
Clerk of the Peace

9th November 1816: 'Observator' writes to the Leeds Mercury advocating the taxation of machinery

To the EDITOR of the LEEDS MERCURY.

SIR—I rely upon your well-known for the insertion in your widely extended paper of the following remarks on the general distress of the country, with the subjoined hints, calculated to relieve the community from the enormous burthen of poor rates and taxes.

The employment of so great portion of our population to carry on the late eventual war so drained us of men, that, to enable us the carry on our trade at the same time, which increased to an enormous extent, in consequence of our naval superiority, factories were filled with machinery, to perform the work that had before been done by hand; and the Agriculturalist following the examples of the trader, establishing the thrashing-machine, &c. &c. Whilst we, as it were, held the world in subjection by blockading the ports of our enemies, and engrossed to ourselves not only the trade of Europe, but nearly of the whole world, these inventions added sinews to our country, at the same time that they enabled the traders to acquire immense fortunes. But since peace has been restored, those Powers who were compelled to use goods of our making, now make for themselves, consequently our trade has diminished; but the number of labourers increased by the return of thousands from the army and navy: thus, the necessity of machinery is done away by the diminution of trade and the increase of labourers: still the machine continues to be worked while the labourer is unemployed and in a state of distress.

As the gentleman of landed interest is obliged to support the pauper, it would seem wise to employ him to thrash out his corn: and as the factories do not employ our poor, or support them when unemployed, and as they do not increase our revenue by import or export duties, it would seem expedient that the machines used in them should be done away, or that the articles made by them should be subject to a tax, so as to put manual labour on a footing with machinery.

The observations that follow will, I believe, apply to all the various concerns conducted by machinery, but, as the clothing trade is more familiar to me than any other. I shall confine my remarks to that only. Whoever will take the trouble to trace the progress of machinery in this business from its introduction to the present time, and its effect upon the landed interest, will find that just in proportion as labour has been done away by its employment, so has the land been burthened to support the poor, although it was not so severely felt whilst we had nearly trade of the whole world, and the war demand enabled the Agriculturalist to obtain his own price for the produce of his land. About thirty years ago the carding-engine and spinning-jenny were introduced: this was the first serious encroachment on the labourer; up to this period the whole female population of a manufacturing district was constantly employed spinning, &c. and the male cultivated the land: there was not a cottage within twenty miles of a manufacturing town whose inhabitants were not furnished with labour, and consequently with bread. A reference to the parish books would enable any gentleman to trace its effect on the poor-rates. The next step of innovation that lessened labour was the use of the scribbling engine; this branch of the trade employing fewer persons, chiefly men and boys, and being introduced during the war, was less felt; then followed the various machines used to dressing cloths, called gigs and shearing frames, whose operation collectively has transferred the labour of the country to an immense pile of building called a Factory; the machinery of which is worked by water or steam, and managed by a few persons only, instead of giving employment and support to thousands, who would, in their turn, by the wages arising from labour, be enabled to purchase the produce of the land, and other articles of support which yield a tax, and thereby contribute to take the burthen from the landed interest. It is, I believe, a political axiom not disputed, that the strength of a country consists in the number and industry of its inhabitants: if this be true, I begin to suspect, that unless some employment be found for the labourer, we must in the next war fight our battles with machinery, or become an easy prey to some daring invader, when emigration and starvation have depopulated our country. In an overgrown factory, one or even two hundred cloths are made a week by the employment of a few persons only; so that if we could retain the trade of the whole world, and combinations of persons continue to extend mechanical influence to the exclusion of manual labour, the population of the country must be in a state of starvation, and would demand support from the landed interest: furnish the poor with employment instead of using machines, and there will immediately follow a decrease of poor-rates, for then none will require parochial relief but the orphan, the aged, and infirm.

With one quarter part of our trade, conducted without machinery, there would be no want of employment for the poor, and instead of a company of three or four persons, with an overgrown capital, engrossing the trade of a populous district, it would be divided amongst the many, and the industrious man with a small capital would be enabled to bring his goods to market on equal terms with this opulent neighbour. The introduction of machinery has enabled the facturer to glut the market in a few weeks, let the demand be what it may: so that even the persons employed in these factories, some of whom get great wages, when at work, are sometimes revelling in drunkenness or debauchery, or starving for want of employ. The introduction of machinery has contributed also to debase the morals of society, by huddling the sexes together, in these factories, beyond the conception of persons not acquainted with its effect.

The charitable donations of the opulent, (which operate as a tax on the landed interest) can at best afford only temporary relief; and if it could be continued, would not fail to convert our hardy industrious labourer into a cringing servile beggar. If the gentlemen of landed interest, who must support the starving poor, do not enact some salutary law on this subject, these Trading Companies will ruin the country ruined the country to enrich themselves; and while they assume a style of splendour that eclipses and astonishes the country gentleman, their poor neighbours starve.

Tax machinery and you will give the poor employment: you will make them independent, and will make them happy.

OBSERVATOR.

6th November 1816: Meeting of Trades Deputies in London calls for suppression of machinery or new taxes against it

London, Nov. 12, 1816.

Gentlemen,

AT a meeting of Deputies from different Trades throughout the Metropolis and its environs, held at Hole-in-the-Wall, Fleet Street, November 6, 1816, convened for the purpose of taking into consideration the distress resulting from Machinery; and to adopt proper measures for the relieving those grievances, by petitioning the Prince Regent for redress,

The following resolutions were unanimously agreed to, viz.

I. THAT during the last 25 years, the introduction of Machinery which dispenses with manual labour, has become so alarmingly extensive, that Mechanics have gradually felt the interest declining, and through the unexampled and unnecessary, increase of the same, are now suffering every deprivation possible for nature to sustain.

II. That were Machinery suppressed the demand for manual labour would consequently be increased, and the country in general feel the immediate benefit thereof.

III. That the present system of working goods by machinery is prejudicial to the interests of Great Britain as a Trading Nation, by injuring the character of British manufacture to Foreign market; as goods worked by machines are inferior in quality, and unequal in durability to those worked by hand labour.

IV. That it is injurious to home consumption. Before the use of machinery, our markets were supplied by manual labour; as, according to the then low prices of provisions, Men were enabled to work for less wages than it is possible at the present time, when every article of consumption is rising to such an exorbitant amount. Commodities were then sold at a lower rate to the public, than even now with the use of Machinery.

V. That it is in a great degree prejudicial to the revenue, as the immense number of individuals thus thrown out of employ, are unable to purchase the different commodities on which the several duties are imposed. The Machine produces every thing while it consumes nothing; and the profits arising from the same, are thrown into the pockets of a few Machine Proprietors, instead of being distributed among thousands.

VI. That the present system is injurious to the nation at large, by the increase of the Poor Rates. That intelligent magistrate, P. COLQUHOUN, Esq, in his evidence before the Honourable the Committee of the Commons House of Parliament, very justly observes, "That from the introduction of Machinery the supply of labour has been for a length of time greater in almost all branches of industry than the demand, and hence the vast number of individuals on parish funds in the middle station of life."

VII. That since the introduction of Machinery, the commission of crime has increased to an alarming and deplorable extent. Individuals by being reduced to extreme distress, are often urged to commit crimes, for which the laws of the country condemn them; who, could they have obtained employ, might have continued industrious and beneficial members of society.

VIII. That the present system is unjust to those men who have been brought up in, and served their apprenticeships, to their several trades; their whole prospects being at once blasted by the introduction of a Machine, which reduces them to beggary and want, and entails upon their offspring every evil.

IX. That it is also unreasonable and unjust to those men who have been fighting the battles and maintaining the honour of their country. Through the introduction of Machinery, they were obliged to leave their families, their homes, and all that were dear to them; and now, when their country no longer requires their services, they return, but it is to find those Machines, which before had usurped their stations, still flourishing is all their destructive influence! while they, as a reward for their valuable services, are left to starve in silence, or die in obscurity.

X. That Machinery is thus altogether injurious to our foreign trade as well as home consumption. It diminishes the revenue and increases the burthen of the people, fills our poor-houses with paupers, and our prisons with malefactors; and to the discarded mechanic and discharged veteran, it is alike unreasonable and unjust.

XI. That the mechanics, artisans, and labourers of this realm, are no longer blind to their own interests, but do here unite to petition His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, for redress and deliverance from these accumulated evils. We are bold in asserting, that we are the principal support of our Government; but at the same time are proud of indulging the hope, that the Government will not turn a deaf ear to our complaints, but will protect us from this cruel and unjust system, by which we are deprived of the only means of continuing honest and industrious subjects.

XII. That a Petition be drawn up embodying these resolutions, to be presented to the Prince Regent, praying His Royal Highness to make known to Parliament when assembled, the distressed state of his suffering but loyal subjects, the mechanics, artisans, and labourers of this realm; recommending them to take into their early consideration, the most advisable measures for the suppression or suspension of all Machinery, which dispenses with, or injures manual labour.

XIII. That this meeting be adjourned till Wednesday, November 20, 1816, to be then and there holden. [6 o clock eveng]

IN pursuance of the powers vested in the Committee to procure the best information the Committee have to request, that you will collect as much information as you possibly can, under the following heads; and transmit the same as early as possible to this Committee.—[By Letter or by Delegates]— as the source to which they may apply, to establish the case when required.

FIRST—To collect cases of the different Machine; the quantity of work done by each Machine within a given period; how many persons are employed to work each Machines, distinguishing adults from children; and what wages they receive.

SECONDLY—How many persons used to be employed to do the same quantity as of the Machine within a given period, distinguishing adults from children; and the wages they receive; thus showing how many persons are thrown out of employ by each Machine, distinguishing adults from children; consequently, proving how many more persons would be now employed if Machinery was not in use.

THIRDLY—The original costs of each Machine; how long each Machine will last in constant use; how many persons are employed in keeping each Machine in repair, and at what expence.

FOURTHLY—What the various articles sold for before Machines were introduced, and what these articles now sell for, thereby, describing what benefit the public derives by the use of such Machines.

FIFTHLY—What Machines are taxed; what articles are taxed that are made by machinery; how long they have been taxed; the amount of the tax; and whether the said articles were taxed before the use of Machinery.

By order of the Committee [Joseph Wright Secy]

P.S. It is requested that all communications to the Committee will be sent post paid, Direct to J.W. Hollingworth’s, Black Swan, Bermondsey Street, Southwark, London.

6th November 1816: West Riding Magistrates fear return to a 'Luddite System' following the murder of a gamekeeper

Kildwick Novr 6th 1816.

My Lord,

We the undersigned magistrates acting in & for the West Riding of Yorkshire beg leave to call your Lordship’s attention to the following statement of a most atrocious murder which took place on Friday Evening the 25th Octr last at Silsden a Village in this neighbourhood where the Earl of Thanet is Lord of the Manor & nearly sole Proprietor—a man of the name of Thomas Hanson who was employed to look after the Game within the manor & his whole crime appears to have been a zeal to do his Duty in that capacity by strictly looking after the Poachers (who are become very numerous in this part of the Country & a Terror to the peaceable Inhabitants) was diabolically assassinated by some villain or villains who fired at him thro’ the Kitchen Window of a Public House in the village where he had been about an hour in Company with some others of his Neighbours—the particulars will be laid before your Lordship in a Duplicate of the Depositions on the Coroners Inquest, which will be sent tomorrow—We are met for the purpose of further investigating this horrible plot, & we are unanimously of Opinion that if Government should think it is of sufficient importance to aid our exertions, by offering such a reward as they may think proper, together with a pardon to any accomplice, who would make discovery of the Offence except the Person who actually fired the Piece, it might have a powerful effect & we beg further to suggest that if an active & intelligent Bow Street Officer was sent down to the purpose for the purpose of Investigation, he would greatly assist our exertions for the People in general thro’ the whole neighbourhood are so panic struck with the apprehension of the return of the Luddite System, that they really dare not come forward in lending their assistance towards making any discoveries or taking any active part whatsoever in the business. We mean to adjourn from day to day & any communication, that your Lordship may be pleased to honour us with on this subject may be addressed to J.A. Busfield Esq:, Chairman of this Meeting at Cononley Hall near Skipton in Craven Yorkshire—

We have the honour to remain
Your Lordship’s most
obedt. humble Servts

J.A. Busfield
Matt: Wilson
Edwd Ferrand.
Walker Ferrand
Wm Rushcliffe
Anth: Lister

5th November 1816: A Lincolnshire official is concerned about the security of the arms depot at Lincoln

Lincoln
5th Novr 1816

Dear Sir

Having heard that serious disturbance is expected to take place at Nottingham , and knowing there are about 10,000 Stand of Arms, besides a considerable quantity of Ammunition in the Depot at this place, without any Military here, to protect the same (and I believe there are very few Soldiers in the County of Lincoln) I cannot rest satisfied in my mind, as a well wisher of my Country in these perilous times, without informing you of the circumstance, in the hope that the information may be the means of averting any attempt which may be made, by the Luddites, to take possession of the same, as I think such a step may be apprehended, as they appear ready to proceed to acts of destruction. I hope you will not think me too forward in writing to you, I assure you I have no other motive than that of saving my Country. I have had some conversation with Sir John Beckett at Gainsbro’ to day on the subject, and he thought I should not be taking an improper liberty in addressing you, and he promised he would also write himself which I have no doubt he will immediately do, and

I am Dear Sir,
Your faithful & very obed ‘Servt
John Fardell

To
John Beckett Esq
&c. &c. &c

[4th] November 1816: William Sherbrooke responds to General Fane's denial of troops for Nottinghamshire

Oxton November 1816—

Sir,

I have this moment the honor of your letter, which I shall have an opportunity of laying before the Magistrates assembled in Sessions on Monday next. The Magistrates requested that a small Military Guard might be placed in the House of Industry, as they had reason to apprehend that an attack would be made upon it, they had previously sworn in a great number of Special Constables, in the Parishes of Basford and Bulwell; on the confines of which it is placed; but so remote from the Villages, that there was a reason to apprehend that the Building might be demolished before an adequate Civil force could be collected: a Special Constable is always in the House & there are Magistrates within a few Miles who would attend with all possible expedition upon the first alarm—

The Military force was requested as an auxiliary to, not as a substitute for the civil Power.—The Watch and Ward Act will be put in force on Saturday next which I hope will prevent the Nocturnal Meetings of the Depredators & that a Military Guard will no longer be no longer necessary—I must take this opportunity Sir, of requesting your attention to a point of Law in which I have reason to believe that I differ (tho’ with great deference) from your opinion & that of the Secretary of State I apprehend that according to the Constitution of this Country, every Man is enjoyned whatever his profession to be aiding, assisting & abetting in taking any Person in the commission of a felony & that when he is so employed he is protected by law the same as a Constable performing his duty

The Outrages committed in this District are Felonies and Burglaries & the Persons perpetrating them, meeting in the night with faces blacked & fire Arms differ in Crime & every material effect from a Mob assembled some political purpose or to remedy some Fancied grievance. My opinion is that if Soldiers are sent by the Civil Power to defend the Bank of England, a House of Industry, or any other Building, that they are as guiltless of Blood, upon resisting an attack as a Constable would be in firing upon any Person in the Act of destroying a Building, every other means of resistance having been previously & in vain resorted to; & tho’ no man can more highly appreciate the wholesome Laws & regulations which preserve a Constitutional Controul over the Military by the Civil Power yet I am unacquainted with any law that can prevent the Soldier from making every exertion to save the life & protect the property of his fellow Subjects—I cannot conclude Sir, without offering you my personal thanks to not withdrawing the Guard before you had a communication with the Magistrates, although the measure did not meet your approbation.

I have the honor &c
W. Sherbrooke

To
Major Genl Fane &c &c—

4th November 1816: Tory Nottingham Journal promises to go on the 'attack' against Luddism

Whilst we contemplate with satisfaction the exertions which are now making in order to give employment and afford relief to the peaceable and well-disposed part of the manufacturing and labouring poor, during the ensuring winter, it is no small pleasure to us to learn, that the inhabitants of the several villages in this disturbed part of of the country, no longer disposed to suffer the repeated attacks and outrages of a daring banditti, have at length determined to repel force by force. For this purpose, associations have been entered into, arms procured, signals agreed-upon, and measures taken, not only for defence, but for attack, pursuit, and to cut off the retreat of the depredators, and to bring them to justice. Desperate evils require desperate remedies; and as it is proposed to give large rewards to those who shall be the means of taking and securing any of the offenders, we have no doubt but a short time will put an effectual stop to these daring acts of iniquity. We forbear to say more on this subject at present.

3rd November 1816: General Fane rejects William Sherbrooke's request for troops for Nottinghamshire

Litchfield 3d Novr 1816—

Sir

Maj Humphrey, commanding the 73d Regt at Nottingham, has laid before me a requisition signed by you, for a Corporal and six Soldiers to Garrison the Poor House at Radford, from sun set in the Evening of each day, untill the following morning; in consequence of some apprehensions which are entertained for its safety: and he has stated to me the manner in which he has complied with the requisition—

I feel it my duty to state to you and the Magistrates of Nottinghamshire who directed this requisition to be made, that the so employing his Majesty’s Troops does not at all accord with any of my ideas of what is right; or with what I conceive to be the intentions of the Secretary of State for the Home Department—

I hold that it is my duty as a Military Officer to support the Civil Authorities with all the means entrusted to my disposal; and they will even find me promptly ready to do so: but I feel it equally incumbent upon me to resist the employment of Military Power as a Substitution for the Civil: which I consider to be done in the instance before us.—The ground upon which I form this conclusion is that "the civil Authorities of Nottinghamshire cannot but be able to produce a force which shall be equal in efficacy to a Corporal and six Soldiers"—

This forms one strong reason of objection to the measure which has been adopted; but I have a second, equally strong, "in the situation in which it places the Soldiers so employed"

I would ask the Magistrates, supposing this garrison was to be attacked, What are the Soldiers to do? Are they to fire in their defence? If they were to do so, and to kill a man, would they not be guilty of Murder? And if they are not to fire, what could seven Men do against a Mob coming to attack this Poor House?—Is this then a situation to which such a Party of Soldiers ought to be reduced?

My feeling is, that both the Laws and Constitution of our Country, and the wishes of the Secretary of State for the Home Department, forbid the Military being so employed; being employed at all excepting under the eye of a Magistrate, Unless the Civil Powers shall have found that they are no longer equal to executing the Law themselves—

These being my notions of what is right, I have to request the favour of you to submit what I have said to the Magistrates concerned—

I shall not, however, remove the Garrison from the Poor House at Radford until I have the honour to hear from you—

I am, Sir,
Your most obt Servt
H. Fane
Majr General

---

This letter can be found at HO 42/155.

3rd November 1816: A Northamptonshire magistrate has concerns about a 'Luddite association'

*Ravensthorpe Northampton
Nov 3.

My Lord

I think it my Duty as a Magistrate of this County to acquaint you with the following circumstance.

It has been reported to me from a respectable quarter the persons have called at different Villages in this neighbourhood, endeavouring to swear in persons men for the Luddite association

I have made all the inquiry I possibly could in order to get at the Truth, and I have an evidence of the attempt having been made in one instance already upon which I can rely. Your Lordship must be aware that caution is requisite in a Case like the present and I have therefore thought it most advisable to make you acquainted instantly with this particular. Your better judgement will suggest that mode of proceeding which is generally pursued in similar circumstances, but we cannot act with too much decision in the infancy of such evil. I shall not fail to watch most minutely for an opportunity of securing any one who may be acting in this manner; or shall I lose sight of that degree of Caution so necessary on an occasion like the present. But I [should] feel honored by your Lordships advice if you think it proper to notice the communication—

I am but too well aware of the inflamable state of the lower classes of this neighbourhood; it is to be hoped nothing will occur to cause an explosion—but opportunity and circumstances [would] I fear be a temptation they [could] not withstand.

I have this morning acquainted my Brother Magistrates Col. Samwell with the particular whose zeal may be depended upon.

I remain
with Respect
yr Lordship’s
faithful humble Servant
Thos Hornsby

Please to direct
Rev T. Hornsby*

N.B.
Might not an intelligent Officer from Bow Street in disguise be of Service? If one is sent, he is welcome to make my house his head quarters.

31st October 1816: Henry Enfield sends the latest informer's report to the Home Office

Nottingham October 31. 1816.

Sir

Enclosed you will receive, for the Information of Lord Sidmouth, a Copy of last night’s Secret Report—The Account of the Attacks upon Carnell's House &c seems to correspond altogether with Carnell’s own Account—You will find an important Circumstance at the close of the Report, relative to a Soldier, one of the Regiments stationed at Nottingham—

I have [etc]
H. Enfield

[To] The Rt Honble JH Addington

31st October 1816: Henry Enfield reports a 'renewal of framebreaking' to the Home Office

Sir

I inclose, for the information of Lord Sidmouth, a Statement of a renewal of Framebreaking—It furnishes another instance of the Accuracy of our Agent’s Information—for, you will recollect, he told us, in his Report of the 24th Instant of this intended Attack upon the wide Frames at Bulwell—

I write with you in your Sentiments relative to the Watch & Ward Act, expressed in your letter with which I have been honored this Afternoon—& sincerely hope that its Effects will realize the expectations raised—"The Constables", however, alluded to in the Report of the 24th Inst, as having prevented the Excursions of the Nottingham Luddites, were the Police Officers whom the magistrates have for a considerable time past had out upon nightly Patrole. The Watch & Ward went out for the first time on the 26th Inst

I have [etc]
H Enfield

[To] Rt Hble J H Addington
&c

30th October 1816: Informer's report on Nottinghamshire Luddites

30th October 1816.—

I went to the Kingstone's Arms last Saturday according to appointment saw Fell, Joe Gelsthorpe and Peter Green there—Fell said he had asked Holbrook and Beef Smith to go to Bulwell and they both refused.—He had not seen Shaw or Abel Smith.—He meant to see them and let me know the next night, but he did not come and I went to Mansfield on Monday morning and staid there till last night.—I have heard that Shaw went to my house on Monday night but have not learnt for what.—This morning I was with John Lomas Junr, and said to him, why these chaps have not done the job as they should of done (alluding to the Frames broke at Bulwell on Monday night) He said "Oh they were only Basford chaps and only 14 of them"–They broke into a House where there were no Frames and I asked him how that happened.—He said they were told better but made a mistake and got the wrong end of the row.—He said they intended coming again with more strength as there were 5 or 6 Basford Chaps that did not come as was expected.—They shot at Carnall's Window he said—He told me that one of the went into Carnall's bed room and threatened to shoot him and he  begged of them not to hurt him as he had no Frames there and told them where they were and to go and use their pleasure, and one of them said "Damn you give me the Pistol and if you wont shoot him I will" but the man having the Pistol refused to do it saying we’ll only break his Frames—I have not learnt who were there except, Lomas (I believe) was one from what he told me.—Joseph West told me this morning that they meant to come again from Basford last night but were put off but that they would be there again this week—I have heard nothing more about the House of Industry at Basford—This afternoon I saw Badder at the Goat and we had some talk about the Job done a Bulwell.—He said he was glad to hear of its being done as it would take the attention off of Nottm and we should get 2 or 3 of our jobs done.—On Sunday he and Slater and Peter Green came to my house and told me to get my arms out of the house as there was a Police Officer coming down from London to search for and seize all Arms to prevent a Revolution.—

I can give Information to Hollingworth if I should know before hand when the intended Job at the House of Industry is to be done.—

It was stated to night at the Fox that there has been a serious riot at Birmingham that some Soldiers had been shot, when a Soldier with the 73d said they were damned fools for shooting at the Soldiers for they were ready to help them if there was an opportunity and they would soon see which side the soldiers were for if they would all rise together—This was spoken openly in a large Company.—

Badder, Adam & Winrow were there.—

The proceedings of G. Henson are approved of.*

*This alludes to the prosecutions against Hosiers for paying their Workmen otherwise than in money—H.E. [i.e. Henry Enfield - a note added to the report]

30th October 1816: Croppers lose wages case at Pontefract Sessions

A court case regarding Croppers' wages that came before Pontefract Sessions is a good example of how the spectre of Luddism was invoked to arguably alter the outcome. It is noteworthy that the case lasted 14 hours. The case was reported in the Leeds Mercury of 2nd November 1816:

COURT OF THE HONOUR OF PONTEFRACT.

[Illegible] [Beresford], Oct. 30th, 1816.

Before JOHN HARDY, ESQ.

[BROWBRIDGE] and KITCHEN, v. LISTER.

This was an action to recover the sum of £3 17s. 9d. due to the Plaintiff for wages on the balance of an account, three pounds and three pence was paid into Court; the only question was, whether the further sums of seventeen shillings was also due unto Plaintiffs. As this cause has excited some interest, we shall, without entering into a detail of the evidence, state the nature of it in as few words as possible.

The Plaintiffs are working cloth-dressers, and the Defendant is a master cloth-dresser, residing in this town. In the month of July last, the Plaintiffs were employed by the Defendant to dress for him 23 pieces of cloth for the Russian contract. It was stated by the witnesses of the Defendant, that when about six of these pieces had been done, Mr. Lister stated to the Plaintiffs that the pieces were only to be backed and not half dressed, an operation which was explained as requiring less labour, and that the price would be reduced from five to four shillings a piece. This proposal being demurred to, Mr. Lister said he would give the same price as other dressers gave for goods dressed in a similar manner. No objection appears to have been made at the time to this proposal: but upon a settlement of accounts, the Plaintiffs demanded 5s. a piece, and refused to take less. Several witnesses were also called to shew that 4s. shillings a piece was as much as was given by other dressers, and was a fair and full price for this species of dressing, and that by reasonable industry 30s. a week might be earned at that rate. On the part of the Plaintiffs several witnesses were called, the object of whose evidence was to prove, that the alteration in the price had not been mentioned to them until the whole of the pieces, except three or four, had been dressed; it was also contended by the Plaintiffs, that as the whole 23 pieces had been delivered the Plaintiffs to dress at the understood price of 5s. a piece, no alteration in this parcel could take place without the consent of both parties. Mr. Hardy said, there were two questions for the Jury to decide: first, was there a special contract? if there was, was that contract four or five shillings a piece? If there was no contract, the Jury would then have to determine from the evidence, what was a full and fair price for the labour performed upon the cloth. If they found that there was a contract, and that the contract was for 5s. a piece, the Plaintiffs would be entitled to recover the sum claimed. If four shillings a piece was the contract, the Defendant would be entitled to a verdict. If there was no contract, the Jury would then find for the plaintiffs or for the Defendant, as the evidence should satisfy then, that five or four shillings was a fair price for the dressing of this cloth. Mr. Hardy said, the Jury were to dismiss from their minds all the insinuations which had been thrown out as to the Plaintiffs belonging to an illegal combination; this was a charge, which, whether true or false, they had nothing to do with. Mr. Hardy then proceeded to make some observations on the ruinous nature of these kind of combinations; he observed, that labour, like all other things, would best find its own level, and that all confederacies to keep it up were destructive, because they had a tendency to drive trade and manufactures to other countries, and he mentioned Nottingham as an instance of the fatal effects of this system, and stated, that in consequence of the frame-breaking, which had been so long carried on there, the manufacturers were rapidly removing from that town neighbourhood, and that these deluded men had taken the most effectual means of depriving themselves of the means of subsistence. The Jury found a verdict for the defendant.

The Court, with the adjournment of one hour, remained sitting from ten o'clock on Wednesday morning until about two o'clock in the morning of the following day.