22nd November 1817: The Leicester Chronicle withdraws their previous remarks about James Towle & the Spy Oliver

On Saturday 22nd November 1817, the Leicester Chronicle issued a correction to a column of the previous week:

A respectable Lady of this town called upon us yesterday to assure us that the person who visited James Towle, while under sentence of death in the County gaol, was not the celebrated Mr. Oliver, but a relation of her’s, of the same of Townend, who resides at Holt Town, near Manchester. We can only say, that the circumstance was communicated to us by several respectable persons, with a tone of confidence, and that we believed it at the time. The immaculate Editor of the Journal, who of course never gives insertion to any thing not true, asks―”When the truth could have clearly ascertained, by an application to the county gaol why we should have deemed it necessary to publish a FALSEHOOD, if it had not been to answer a base and nefarious purpose?!!!” We answer―because we conceive such an application from us, would have been unavailing!

21st November 1817: A freed Gravenor Henson writes to the governor of Coldbath Fields Prison

Dr Sir

I hope you will excuse my not returning your Coat sooner; which was partly owing to its being so extremely wet, that it took nearly three days drying; it rained all the way from Northampton, and I am fully convinced that to your Kindness, I am indebted to you, for preserving me from a fit of illness (if not) for my Life; when I arrived at Leicester, I shook as though I had an Ague Fit.

I have found my circumstances on coming home in a much worse state than I expected; though the Trade of Nottingham is improved, yet the particular branch of it, that I am employed in presents a most gloomy prospect.

I have been importuned very much to embark in political controversy; arising from a detailed statement given in a paper called the Observer which represents me as being the one of the prime movers of the late disturbances in the County of Derby; it states that I attended at a Meeting in Nottingham on the 27th May, for the purpose of organizing a revolt, though for it is an undeniable Fact that I was in your custody from the 11th April till 13 Novr; I am not aware how much false and impudent statements gets foisted on the Public nor what purpose they can serve; unless it is to persecute without [ceasing] an unoffending Man;

I have taken my resolution, I will not interfere either directly or indirectly in public concerns, and as far as regards myself I can only say, if the World will, why let it be deceived; I am extremely sorry that I could not part in on good terms with His Majesty’s Government, the offence which I gave was purely unintentional on my part,

I saw Mr Bailey on Wednesday, he is well in health, was extremely pleased to learn that your health was so good and very much surprized to hear that Mr Bucket had left

I have nothing further to add than to again return you my sincere thanks for the favors you have conferred on me, and I shall feel myself extremely happy, if ever it lies in my Power to return them either to you or any one of your Family

I am Sir
your much obliged
and Obedient Servant

Gravenor Henson

[To: Mr W Adkins
House of Correction
London]

17th November 1817: Henry Enfield send his bill for supporting Blackburn & Burton to the Home Office

Nottingham Novr. 17. 1817―

My Lord

I beg leave to enclose for to your Lordship the Bill of payments made by me relative to Blackburn & Burton―& to request that your Lordship will direct the Amount to be paid into the Bank of Messrs Smith Payne & Smiths, to my Credit in account with the Nottingham Bank―

I have [etc]

H Enfield

[To] The Rt Hble Lord Sidmouth

[Enfield enclosed a receipt for his payment to the Constable, Benjamin Barnes, who provided the following invoice of the costs he had incurred on Enfield's behalf]

Nottingham 26th September 1817

Mr Enfield

To Benj Barnes

1817
Sepr

Advanced to Burton at different times}
From 17th August to 25th September} £3 “ 0―0

22 Journey to Kettering to fetch Blackburn}
and Wife 3 Days} £3 “ 3―0
Coach Hire for self to Kettering ― £0 “ 17―0
Coachmen and Guard ― £0 “ 3―0

23 Chaise Hire from Kettering to Harboro’ £0 “ 18―0
Post Boy and Toll Bar £0 ― 4 ―0
Coach Hire from Harboro’ to Nottingham}
for self Blackburn Wife and Child} £1 “ 11―6
Coachmen and Guard £0 “ 6―0
Expences for self, Blackburn, Wife and}
Child three Days £1 “ 10 “ 6

25 Paid for Burton’s Wifes clothes our of Pledge £1 “ 4―10
Bonnet for Mrs Burton £0 “ 6―0
Two Petticoats and Skirt for Mrs Burton £0 “ 13  “ 6
Cloak and Bonnet for the Child £0 “ 8―6
Shoes for Mrs Burton £0 “ 6―0
Great Coat for Burton £1―5 “ 0
Shirt for Burton £0 “ 7―0
Hat for Burton £0 “ 7―6
Shoes for Burton £0 “ 9―0
Pelisse for Mrs Blackburn £1 “ 4―0
Bonnet for [ditto] £0 “ 6―0
Shoes for [ditto] £0 “ 6―0
Cloak and Bonnet for the Child £0 “ 8 “ 6
Pair of Breeches for Blackburn £0 “ 15 “ 0
Shoes for Blackburn £0 “ 9―0
Shirt for [ditto] £0 “ 7―0
Board and Lodging for Blackburn}
and Wife at Nottingham} £0 “ 12 “ 6
Attending with Burton and Blackburn in}
Nottingham} £0 “ 10 “ 6

[Total] £21―18 “ 10

15th November 1817: The Leicester Chronicle reports that the spy Oliver visited James Towle in Leicester Gaol

The Saturday 15th November 1817 edition of the Leicester Chronicle reported the following:

It seems that the person who called upon James Towle, while under sentence of death in the County Gaol, and gave him a pound note for his wife, with a promise of some future support for herself and children, was not, what he professed to be, “an eminent Manufacturer in the neighbourhood of Nottingham” (except indeed we may dignify him by that appellation for his manufacture of plots in Derbyshire,) but the celebrated Mr. Oliver!

14th November 1817: Lancelot Rolleston sends the indemnifying confessions of Nottinghamshire Luddites to the Home Office

My Lord

I have the honour of enclosing your Lordship four acknowledgements taken by me in comformity to the proclamation issued last summer; I have reason to believe many others would have come forward had they not been dissuaded by old Badder who went round for that purpose. Since I had the honour of seeing your Lordship, I have had frequent opportunities of ascertaining the effect produced by the proceedings of the last year, which I am fully convinced have not only destroyed the spirit of Luddism, but impressed the minds of that class of the [community] with a respect for the Justice, as well as a proper sense of the power of the [laws].

I know your Lordship to be well acquainted with the specious and designing characters of Ward, Henson &c &c but it is not to these men I allude, but their misguided instruments, who profess a just feeling of indignation against their seducers, & will not again I think be easily led to a recommission of similar crimes. My last plan for the apprehension of Christr. Blackburn is laid, but I have very faint hopes of success, but should I succeed, your Lordship shall immediately be informed.

I have [etc]
Lanct. Rolleston

Watnall
Nov. 14th. 1817

[Confessions follow]

County of Nottingham

I Jonathan Austin of Basford in the County of Nottingham do hereby acknowledge myself to have been a party at the breaking of the frames at Bramcote last summer

Jonathan
my X mark―
Austin

Acknowledged
Before me July 22nd 1817

Lanct. Rolleston one of his Majesty’s justices of the peace for the said County


County of Nottingham

I Joseph Mellors of Basford in the County of Nottingham do hereby acknowledge myself to have been actively concerned in the framebreaking at Carnel’s house at Bulwell & at the different houses at Lambley in Octr. last

his
Joseph x Mellors
mark

Acknowledged before me one of his Majesty’s justices of the peace for the said County

this 23rd of July 22nd 1817

Lanct. Rolleston 


I, John Lomas of the parish of Bulwell do hereby acknowledge myself to have been actively concerned in breaking frames at Lambley in Octr. last & also at Thos, Carnells at Bulwell last winter.

Acknowledged before me
one of his Majesty’s justices
of the Peace for the County
of Nottingham

John
his X mark
Lomas

Lanct. Rolleston


I, Nathan Diggle of Basford in the County of Nottingham do hereby acknowledge myself to have been actively concerned in breaking frames at Mullins & Wrights at Radford, at Carnell’s at Bulwell, at the different houses in Lambley, & at Bramley, at Bramcote, all in the last two years

Nathan Diggle

Acknowledged before me
One of his Majesty’s justices
Of the Peace for the County of
Notts. This 27th of Aug. 1817

Lanct. Rolleston

7th November 1817: A Cheshire rioter from 1812, Richard Wood, is pardoned & set free

Richard Wood had been tried and convicted for unlawful assembly and robbery during the Cheshire disturbances of 1812, at the high point of insurrection during that year in that part of the world.

Aged 27 at the time, he was sentenced to death at Chester Special Commission, but was respited, though unlike some of his co-accused, he was not transported, but was apparently held on the Prison Hulks for 5 years.

According to the Prison Hulk register, he was pardoned on Friday 7th November 1817 & set free.

11th October 1817: A correspondent to the Nottingham Review blames Parish Officers for the poverty of Framework-knitters

At a time (says a correspondent of the Nottingham Review,) when the public mind is much exercised, on account of the lamentable, and much to be regretted dispute between the Hosiers and their workmen, any means that can be devised to remove the evil, in my opinion ought to be immediately put into practice, therefore I will, by your permission state, that as it is admitted almost by every one who has directed his attention to the subject, that overseers of parishes telling their parishioners, the framework-knitters, that if they could not obtain work at the best prices, to get it at any price rather than come away without, and that they would make up the deficiency, has been a great evil to the trade―I say this has already been proved an evil, and that to an alarming extent, which the parishes little thought of. Therefore in my opinion, (and it is also the opinion of several well informed gentlemen) the parishes should each have a meeting, and resolve not to relive any Framework-knitter, who is in health and strength, and in full work, and if he is so reduced in the price of his labour, that he cannot maintain his family at his business, he ought to leave it, and got to house-row work, or any other work that he can get to do; for it is a shame that men should work fourteen or sixteen hours a day, and after that be obliged to go to the Overseer for relief, as it is now quite common for them to receive from two to seven shilling per week, and in many instances more; and can but just live at that. While this system is pursued, there never will be any peace and comfort amongst the men, for some unfeeling masters, when they find that their poor workmen are relieved by the Parishes, say, “it does not matter to you, what your price is, when the deficiency is made up to you,” so they take off another penny or two—pence per pair, and the workman goes to the Overseer to receive what the Hosier has paid him short of his wages. The fact is, that we now have a new race of paupers* sprung up, for the workman does not receive so much for the quantity of labour, from the hosier and overseer both put together as he formerly did. I saw this week in Nottingham a poor framework-knitter, with some of his work that he had made before the frames were stopped and real good stockings they were, and he declared that he had been making them for 5s. 6d. per dozen, and the same article I am sure was 17s. per dozen in 1814! and a few hosiers to my knowledge have not paid less than 11s. for the same, thus they have been paying 5s. 6d. and he is making other articles nearly as cheap. I must beg pardon of you for taking up so much room of your valuable paper, hoping it will have a good effect, and beg to subscribe myself to your constant reader.

J. H.

N.B. To average the hands, they would not make above a dozen per week, which would be 5s. 6d. at first hand, then if it was a journeyman there would be his expenses, which in winter would be 4s. per week, leaving him only 1s. 6d. to subsist upon; but candour obliges me to acknowledge that this is the worst work I have heard of.

*I allude to those who are paying the lowest of prices, and have run down the poor workman on all occasions.

11th October 1817: The Nottinghamshire Framework-knitters strike is reported to end in failure

On Saturday 11th October 1817, the Leicester Chronicle republished a story from a recent Nottingham Review, that the Framework-knitters strike had ended in relative failure:

Last week a great number of framework-knitters in the country, who had struck for an advance of wages, returned to their employment without gaining the object for which they had turned out. This obliged the hands in the town to follow their example, and on Monday, they went again to their frames, as we are given to understand, without obtaining either an advance or regulation as it regards the hose, but there is some trifling increase in the price given for the making of caps and drawers. Notwithstanding this is the case, we believe a hope is entertained, that though an advance was refused on a turn out of the workmen, something will speedily be conceded to private and respectful application.―Nottingham Review.

28th September 1817: Viscount Lascelles writes to Lord Sidmouth about the plight of the Croppers

My dear Lord.

In the course of the last Session of [Parliament] your Lordship may recollect that I together with a Deputation from the Cloth Workers, or Croppers, waited upon you upon the subject of an alteration of the Laws respecting Emigration―The ground upon which the application which deprived the Clothworkers of their usual means of employment. The machinery applicable to their particular branch of trade are the Gig mill for raising cloth, and the Shearing Frames for cropping it when raised. Your Lordship well knows that considerable objections have existed in the minds of this class of workmen to the establishment of these machines; that in 1812 some deluded persons attempted by intimidation to restrain the use of them, and that application at different times has been made to [Parliament] for their abolition, but without success. In the last Session of [Parliament] a petition was presented to the House of Commons upon the subject, setting forth, in the most respectful manner, the effect likely to be produced upon the interests of the Petitioners by the increasing use of these machines. A numerous meeting was held in order to discuss the point in question―;and the Parties were unanimously recommended not to incur the expence of proceeding in furtherance of the petition; in consequence of the general opinion which seemed to prevail that [Parliament] would not sanction the abolition of the machines, or lay a restraint upon the fair employment of capital. In failure of the accomplishment of their wishes, the Parties were desirous of being allowed freely to emigrate: and it is upon this part of the question I take the liberty of troubling your Lordship: for I am informed that no expectation is now entertained by the Clothworkers of accomplishing their object. It cannot be doubted that the use of these machines is rapidly increasing throughout the West Riding of Yorkshire, and that they supersede the manual labor of a body of men, amounting, as I am informed, to about 3,500, who have been regularly and almost exclusively brought up, to the exercise of this trade. A Deputation waited upon me last week, and I promised to communicate with your Lordship upon the subject of their present wishes, in order that they might have an opportunity of being considered by Government previous to a more regular application. The persons who communicated with me, allow that the Woollen Trade has considerably revived, and that reasonable hopes may be entertained of its progressive amendment; but that notwithstanding these circumstances, their particular situations will not be improved since the use of machinery deprives them of their usual employment. In all changes of this nature, altho’ considerable inconvenience may be experienced in the first instance, the population affected will generally find employment in other branches of the business, and I make no doubt this will be the case very shortly with some part of the Clothworkers; but still a strong desire is expressed by them to have the assistance of Government in conveying such of them as may wish to emigrate, to North America. According to my own calculation this body may be divided into three parts: that which will find employment in other branches of the Woollen Trade: that which wou’d endeavour to find employment in any Trade or Business rather than emigrate; and that which would prefer emigration as affording them the fairest prospects. The Parties are aware of the regulations furnished by the Colonial Department respecting emigration; but according to them, Individuals must bear the expences of the voyage, which the greater part or perhaps all these persons are unable to do: and the Articles furnished by Government when Grants of Land are made, being according to the means of cultivation possessed by the Grantee: the prospects of an advantageous settlement in the Country are quite hopeless unless Government should, under the particular circumstances of the case, think proper to render them such assistance as will enable them to remove; and secure to them both assistance, and protection for a certain time after their arrival in North America. It must be recollected that the population already engaged in the different branches of the Woollen Trade is probably, uner the present circumstances of that Trade, fully sufficient to supply the demand for labor.

I am aware that difficulties may present themselves in fulfilling the wishes of the Parties, but if they can be overcome I am persuaded the number that will emigrate will not be large. The restraints imposed by the Laws do not appear to be as necessary now as at the time they were made, because not only in Europe, but in other parts of the World, improvements in manufactures are no longer unknown.

I remain
My dear Lord
Your faithful and
Obt Servt

Lascelles.

[To] Viscount Sidmouth.

26th September 1817: The informers, Blackburn & Burton, leave Nottingham forever, surrounded by an angry crowd

On Friday 26th September 1817, the Luddites turned informers John Blackburn & William Burton left Nottingham for London, their ultimate destination being Canada. The Leicester Chronicle of 4th October 1817 described the scene:

The noted John Blackborne and William Burton, the King's evidences on the trial of the Luddites at Leicester, at the last Lammas Assizes, and the latter of whom was the principal evidence against Daniel Diggle, hanged at Nottingham in April last, were recognised on the Hope coach, in Nottingham on Friday last. A concourse of people collected round the coach to see them, and bestowed some execrations upon them in a liberal manner.―It is understood both they and their wives and families, are gone off for America.

They were escorted by the Nottingham Police Officer, Benjamin Barnes, who carried the letter to the Home Secretary below, written by the Town Clerk, Henry Enfield:

Nottingham Sep. 26. 1817

Mr Lord

The Police Officer, Benjamin Barnes, will deliver this Letter to Your Lordship & inform you of his arrival in Town with Burton & Blackburn, their wives & Children―

I have [etc]

H Enfield

Town Clerk

[To] Rt Hble Lord Sidmouth

25th September 1817: Henry Enfield informs Lord Sidmouth of the arrangements for the informers Blackburn & Burton

Nottingham Sept. 25th 1817.

My Lord,

In consequence of Mr. Lockett’s communication to me of your Lordship’s arrangements relative to Burton and Blackburn and their families (whose several names and ages Mr. Lockett will have stated to you) I have sent for them from their hiding-places; and finding them all in good health and desirous of immediately proceeding to their destination, I shall send them to London by one of the Coaches in the course of to-day or to-morrow under the escort of the Police Officer Benjamin Barnes―

Barnes will attend at your Lordship’s Office to give Information of their arrival, and I will direct him to enquire for Mr. Noble, within whose Department, as I understand from Mr. Lockett, this business falls.―

I have the honor to be
My Lord,
Your Lordship’s hble Servt

H Enfield

P.S.
I take this opportunity of informing you that the Frameworkknitters are said to dropping in again to work―This is the case I believe with some – but he bulk still remain out – however there is no violence―

H.E.

[To: Lord Sidmouth]

22nd September 1817: Jeffery Lockett sends a description of the informers Blackburn & Burton to government

Derby September 22d 1817

Dear Sir

William Burton is 21 years of age, and his wife, Leah, also twenty one. They have but one child,―a daughter named Charlotte, only five months old:

John Blackburn is twenty three years of age,―and his wife, Ann Blackburn, only twenty. Their only child is a daughter named Mary, and one year & two months old.―

Both parents and Children are in very good health―and able to perform the journey.

Burton is in the neighbourhood of Nottm.―About a week ago, an attempt was made to assassinate him. He was walking out with his wife and child,―and was met by three men, who looked at him very attentively,―and afterwards shot at him, but he escaped.―When he got home he found two other men at his door,―and hearing one of them say “that is him”―he retreated―& went by another way into the town.

Blackburn is at his fathers at Kettering in Northamptonshire. A messanger is sent for him and he will be in Nottm. tomorrow or on Wednesday.

Mr. Enfield will do what is necessary to prepare them for their journey―and you will have the goodness to write to him on the [illegible]. It is hoped that they may sail on the first of October.

I am very sorry to inform you that a fever has attacked several prisoners in our County Gaol. The [prison] has been overcrowded of late:―The magistrates are making every possible exertion to stops its progress.―It is to be lamented that the order for the removal of the reprieved convicts at our last assizes has not been yet received here. I saw Mr. Justice Holroyd sign the [certificate] on Friday―and Mr. Hilditch assured me that it [should] be sent immediately to the Treasury & the order be applied for.

I am apprehensive that this [illegible] is not within your department, but under the pressing circumstances which I have mentioned I am sure you will excuse me for troubling you with it.

I am Dear Sir
Your most obed Servt

Wm Jeffery Lockett

[To: ‘Noble Esqr’]

18th September 1817: A Leicester Hosier writes to the Home Office about strikes in the trade

Leicest. 18th Sept 1817

My Lord

I hope your Lordship will pardon the liberty I am taking in presuming to address you, but feeling as I do the importance of the system which is at present pursuing in this neighbourhood, and and being fully convinced that if it is allwd to grow to maturity it will require all the strength of the law to allay it, I cannot resists what I conceive to be my duty―making your Lordship acquainted with the proceedings without wasting more of your Lordship’s valuable time I would state to you that about 2 months ago there was an attempt made here to raise the price of labour, and meetings were calld for the formation of that object, and it was finally determin’d to raise the price of making Stockings very considerably, in some instances 50 [illegible] in addition to this there was a rule prescribed by which every article was to be regulated, and no workmen was to make any goods but what was specified in this Statement of course several of the principal Houses objected to this regulation, having to make goods for every climate in the known world, they were obligd to change & alter their good according to the customs & wants of the markets they were intended for, this rais’d a violent Opposition, and our Warehouses were besitt with Stockingmakers for 2 or 3 weeks, at length the magistrates issued a Hand Bill which had the effects of bringing the men a little to their senses, but meetings of Committees were held weekly for the purpose of enforcing the original object, a Central Committee was found and district committees in every Street of the town which communicated with the Central Committee, a regular register was obtaind of every Stocking frame, and who employed it, and if any kind of work was attempted to be made which the Stockingmakers thought improper, a meeting was instantly calld and handbills circulated to prevent such work being made, in this Stage of the Business we thought it right again to request the interference of the Magistrates, and we causd the Chairman & good part of the Central Committee to be brought before them when they were told their conduct was illegal and must be discontinued. They are now pursuing their object in a different way, and are extending all over the Country, a man of the name of Snow, has been sent to Nottingham, to promote the same object, and after a great deal of discussion between the masters & men, they have this week―Struck. The same man has been to Belper, Derby, Sheepshead, Hathern, Loughbro, Shilton & Hinckley for the same purpose, and even as far as Tewksbury in Gloucestershire, your Lordship will naturally enquire how the men are maintain’d without work; there is a subscription amongst the hands in work, and the men unemployed are allowd a certain sum weekly provided they will not [word obscured] agreeable to the prescribed rule, your Lordship will  immediately see the effect of these proceedings it will of necessity be the means of very much cramping the trade and allowing no scope for genius, for if no goods are to be made, but by a given rule, if those goods suit a warm climate, they must necessarily be very improper for a cold one, it is making the hands completely masters of their employers, and if every regulation is attempted to be made, they do not approve, by means of this system, the persons hands are all stoppd, I would be sorry taking any charge against our Magistracy for having fostered & encouraged this kind of conduct, but really such is their predilection for the Stockingers (and the men are all aware of this) that it is next to impossible to maintain any kind of subordination, I hope the late terrible examples has had the effect of subduing the spirit of Luddism, but indeed my Lord we shall have something full as bad―if this organized system is not effectually stopd, I have therefore thought it right the submit to your Lordship this plain statement of facts, in order that you may if you think it necessary direct some steps to be taken which may counteract the effect, I shall be happy to give your Lordship any information in my power, and hoping you will pardon this liberty

I am―My Lord

Your Lordship’s most hble Servant

Jno Rawson

[To Lord Sidmouth]

14th September 1817: Henry Enfield informs the Home Office that up to 9,000 framework-knitters are on strike in Nottingham

Nottingham 14 Sep. 1817

Sir

I had great pleasure in laying before the magistrates yesterday Evening your Letter of the 12r. Instant, for the favour of which they beg to present to Lord Sidmouth their thankful acknowledgments.―

Yesterday, our chief market day, passed over in Tranquility―but the state of things remains precisely the same―no giving way on either side―& the issue is certainly matter of anxious Expectation―

I am desired by the Magistrates to inclose you, for the perusal of Lord Sidmouth, two Advertisements which appeared in the Nottm papers of Friday―The one of the 6r. Instant is deserving of his Lordship’s Attention―His Lordship will observe that there is an ingenious avoidance of the mention of any particular Overseers or parishes―& we are of opinion that the Advertisement is artfully framed by the Stockingmakers Committee to convery abroad the belief that they are actively espoused & upheld by the parishes.―Some of the parishes in the County have by their Conduct given full opportunity to the Frameworkknitters Committees thus to make use of them.―

In the present State of Insubordination, the magistrates beg to state to Lord Sidmouth that the Military force here consists of the 95th. & only one Troop of Cavalry (the 15th.)―The Yeomanry Corps, from the Horses being out at grass, & from the busy state of the Harvest, would not easily or speedily be assembled―If the present Contest break out into Violence, the points of Attack may be dispersed―& if so, the presence of Cavalry can alone be effective―The magistrates of Nottingham state this for the Consideration of Lord Sidmouth, & request that his Lordship will be pleased to give such Directions as he shall think the Circumstances call for.

The persons turned out may, in this neighbourhood, be from 8, to 9000―

I am Dear Sir

Yours very obedy―

H Enfield

[To] H. Hobhouse Esq―

13th September 1817: The Secretary for the Colonies authorises Blackburn & Burton's emigration to Canada

Downing Street 13th September 1817.

Mr Lord,

I have had the honor of receiving your Lordship’s letter recommending to my particular Consideration John Blackburn & William Burton who are desirous to become Settlers in His Majesty’s Provinces in North America, and I have in reply to acquaint your Lordship that I shall feel great pleasure in recommending them to the protection of the Governor General Sir John Sherbrooke in order that each of them may receive a Grant of one Hundred Acres of the Crown Reserves in Canada;―that being the most valuable portion of the Lands at the disposal of the Crown, & being therefore, in my opinion best calculated to mark the sense entertained of the merits which have procured for them your Lordship’s recommendation.

I shall further give directions for allowing them Rations during the first twelve months, until some part of the lands allotted to them shall be brought into Cultivation;―altho’ Government have not charged themselves with this expence in any of the recent Emigrations.

As the Season during which Settlers were forwarded to the Province by this Department has long since elapsed, I trust Your Lordship will take the necessary measures for providing messieurs Blackburn & Burton with a Conveyance.

I have [etc]

Bathurst

[To] Viscount Sidmouth
&c &c &c

[11th] September 1817: Henry Enfield writes to the Home Office about striking Frameworkknitters in Nottinghamshire

Nottingham 10r. September 1817.

My Lord

The Magistrates wish me to make a Communication to Your Lordship of the present State of this Town & its neighbourhood.

During the last three days there have been a general Strike, or Turn-out, of the Frameworkknitters for an Advance of Wages―& vast numbers of them have Come into Nottingham from the adjacent Villages & Townships―It is reported that they have in some instances in the County used violence, & in very many instances Threats, to bring out those Frameworkknitters who were reluctant to join them―and, that there are two Committees sitting in Nottingham who are the directors of the present measures & supply the men with money for their immediate support. At present no Violence or actual Branch of the public peace has been Committed―the men walk about in Considerable numbers, & make their frequent Applications to the Hosiers―but the magistrates cannot expect this tranquil demeanour to be of long duration if the object which in view that continue ungained―& they have therefore taken, & will be constantly prepared with means to the utmost of their power for putting down any Commotion―

With respect to the question between the Frameworkknitters & their masters, the magistrates have not any power to interpose―& as Individuals they do not conceive that they have any right to become parties―Their duty is, as they conceive, to watch the public Peace & to preserve it―being ready, nevertheless, at all times to receive Complaints, & to enforce the Laws relating to Combinations &c.―It may happen that each [succeeding] Day will make the men more & more discontented, & the Committees more personal & threatening―this may become so overt as to call for the Interference of the magistracy without a complaint―but should this not occur, the magistrates are of opinion that they should not officially take any active step―They will be happy to receive from Lordship’s Sentiments upon this Subject―

Mr. Aldr. Morley has received the enclosed Letter from Mr. Parker of this Town, a manufacturer of first respectability―The magistrates cannot so satisfactorily dispose of the Letters as by transmitting it in the Dispatch for the Consideration of Your Lordship―

I have [etc]

H Enfield

Town Clerk

P.S. Sep. 11.

I beg to enclose your Lordship a Handbill―This handbill was carried about by the collectors of the Subscriptions to the Frameworkknitters Cause, & a Copy left with the Subscriber―Their collections were (& I believe are) by House-row―

H.E.

[To] The Right Honble Lord Sidmouth
Secretary of State &c &c &c

8th September 1817: A Nottingham Hosier has fears about FWK Union activity

Nottingham Septem 8th 1817

Sir

The very unpleasant circumstance, under which I have lately placd in the conducting my manufactory being solely the result of the unfounded although public representation made by certain parties calling themselves committees of Frameworkknitters―which said publications have, and are intended to have the effect of rendering the workman dissatisfied in every transaction with his employer I feel myself entitled to request your attention to this subject as one which threatens a much more serious wit than that of incommoding the individual―

Presuming that you are well acquainted that the nature of our manufactory is that of considerable permanence in the engagement between master & workman―you will be able to judge how very painful the situation of the employer in being incessantly calld upon to refuse gratifications which the workman is most industriously informd is really his due―

The Magistrate I am well aware is entitled to answer me, that his concern is only with acts which constitute a breach of the Peace―but when I have [stated] the publications to which I request your attentions―I can scarcely permit myself to doubt that you will be satisfied they have a manifest tendency to provoke a renewal of those disorders which have disgraced the whole range of the manufactory & occasioned the destruction of private property and of Life

Doubtless the intentions of many of those parties who so loudly anticipate the enlargement of our commerce, are innocent but it is time that even they should in some way be apprised that every instance where they raise expectations they are morally bound to fulfil them and are not entitled to throw the burthen upon that other party in commercial transactions, whose sacred interests their precipitate exultation has occasioned them to overlook―This remark would be misplaced were it merely sentimental―but its foundation is in fact of notorious publicity―the expected advancement of the wages of Labor―without adverting to any distinctions, being the almost daily theme of many public prints―the avow’d object of the conduct of several public bodies & public men (see advert from Ilkeston in the Nottm Review of 15 Augt last)―Conduct which renders them in my mind parties to a conspiracy for advancing wages and whose alliance & prompting forbids the thought of prosecuting the prominent, but the excited & perhaps misled conspirator

The first publication is dated July 11 & purports to be an intimation that the demand for goods had so encreased at Leicester that, with the exception of two or three houses, an advance of prices had been agreed to―the information had been previously, or was at some time, aroused in the Leicester and Nottingham papers apparently as News by the editor―but more probably by the parties themselves―Now, Sir my information is, that the application of the workman for an advance was suggested to them―nay even urgd upon them by the conduct of the answers of the Parish or Parishes of Leicester―& the FWKrs undertook their committees―(which it was hopd had become dormant at least, if not extinct) that Prices should have a correspondent Rise in Nottingham throughout the County―a point in which upon their failing, the Leciester and Hinckley houses finding themselves imposd upon recalled their advance

The application made to Nottingham is dated July 21st―imprudently alledging the advance at Leicester to be occasiond by extraordinary demand―& asserting the same demand to exist in Notts

The next publication―(is annexed as a supplement &) is dated July 25 in which the Committee announce their failure in terms which evince the bitterness of their disappointment & a determination to communicate resentful feelings to the body of the FWKrs―

Another publication dated 13th August is in the form of a letter to the Hosiers who manufacture Silk Gloves, couched in terms to excite no slight resentment towards the masters who do not comply―asserting a demand for their article which my own concern in this branch enabled me to know did not exist―or but partially as some demand always will―

The advertisements in the Nottm Review of 15th Augt―standing alone might leave it doubtful whether the FWKrs excite the vestry―or the vestry excite the FWKrs

Again under date 21st Augt, and after the Leicester houses recalled their advance―the Cotton workmen of Notts are required to exert themselves to secure the objects of the Committee

All these efforts failing―a Bill of advanced Rates of the Committees own forming―was delivered on the 29 Augt―with the usual breadth of assertion as to the consent of the masters except a few, who are hereby stigmatisd as oppressive & unjust

An advertisement in the Nottm Papers of Septem 6―shows clearly that these men have been generally repulsd by their employers―against whom they hope the getting of the harvest―the countenance of the Nobility Gentry Clergy & Overseers throughout the County―will support them in a general strike for advance of Wages & enable them to enforce their Bill of Rates

These circumstances exhibit such compleat evidence that the organisation of these Committees, from which individuals & the country at large have sufferd such serious injury & alarm―& in which principles destructive of all harmony between master & workman are inculcated―exist in full activity―that I cannot but persuade myself you will concur with me in opinion that the powers of the magistracy would be well employd in destroying such mischievous combinations

Whether the trade do or do not adopt the Bill of Rates thus impudently tendered―& violently enforcd―the reluctance of the employers has been sufficiently evinced―& for the committees to succeed in this mode can only tend to encrease their personal audacity & their mischievous influence over an extended population―

Other offensive matters, which have not appeared in print, are through the vigilance of your police, perhaps, better known to you than to me―I shall therefore leave them to such weight as you may judge them worthy of―& I am Sire your most obedt Servt

John Parker

[To: L Morley Esqr]

2nd September 1817: Nottingham Framework-knitters Handbill about low pay

TO THE

Philanthopic and Feeling

PUBLIC,

OF

NOTTINGHAM,

And its Vicinity,

The distressed Part of the Framework-Knitters,

UNDER THE DENOMINATION OF PANTALOONS, DRAWERS, CAPS,

GLOVES, SANDALS, SHIRTS, FLEECE-WORK, &c.

GENTLEMEN,―We have to regret after having repeatedly applied for Redress from our different Employers, there are Three of the Manufacturers in the above Branches, are in a peculiar manner obstinate in not coming forward to alleviate the Sufferings of their distressed Workmen.

One, of the name of Mr. J_______, of Castle-gate, when solicited and informed his Workmen could no longer Work at the present reduced Price, positively asserted he would not give the Advance. Mr. P_______, Stoney-street, asserted the same.

Gentlemen,―It is a Fact, the two above-mentioned Manufacturers are giving no more to their Hands, then other Master-Stocking-makers give to their Journeymen, and this is the chief Cause of their going to the Market and under-selling the respectable Houses: Mr. M____, Fletcher-gate, is the other Obstacle, but appears more favourable.

We have long strove to Support our Families, under the most trying and perilous Circumstances, independent of Parochial Relief; but, alas! in vain. But we now look forward with the pleasing ray of the hope, that the Day of Relief is at hand.

It is with gratitude we have to announce to the Public, that our other Employers have come forward with a Determination, that does them honor both as Men and Gentlemen, not only to take part of the Burthen which we have borne with Patience and Fortitude, but to restore us as near to our former State of Comfort and Independence as the Trade will admit.

We wish to impress our Cause on your Minds; it is such as will enable us, and our Children after us, to live by our Labour; but, if lost, we must remain a poor and helpless distressed People. An humble Independency, by honest Industry, is all we crave, and none but unreasonable Men will dispute our Right.

It is evident that the irregular Manner in which the Trade has been carried on with the depression of Wages, have been considered as the primary Source of the Evils complained of by the Public, in paying the enormous Poor-Rates, which has been caused by the Reduction of Wages.

Could the Price requested be obtained, it would then enable us to Support our Families without the Assistance of Parochial Relief.

It is humiliating and painful to us to call upon a generous Public for their aid, without which, we cannot be extricated from our forlorn and distressed Situation, only by their kind Assistance.

Most of the Manufacturers are giving the Prices which we now crave FROM OUR OWN EMPLOYERS. The Price we now ask is what we received in the Year 1815; and in the year 1811, we received Four Shillings in the Pound more than what we are now soliciting.

Signed, in behalf of the above Branches,

JAMES BROWN.

WILLIAM LEE.

THOMAS HUSKINSON.

Nottingham, September 2, 1817.

Printed by Sutton and Son, Bridlesmith Gate, Nottingham.

29th August 1817: Charles Mundy updates the Home Office about the informers, Blackburn & Burton

Burton August 29th: 1817

Dear Sir

I have written to Mr. Lockett to ask if there is anything further material in Olivers statement that it is necessary for him to apply to me about & as soon as I receive his answer I will send the papers to you.―John Blackburn & Burton are not at all in the way of any one. Blackburn is with his father in Nottinghamshire Burton with his wives father near Nottingham. as they dare not go out to enquire for work or shew themselves. I have found it necessary to supply them with a weekly allowance for the support of themselves & families.―Blackburn comes late at night to me once a week for his subsistance & I have employd Barnes one of the Nottingham Police Officers to pay Burton his.―

The Wife of Samuel Caldwell otherwise Big. Sam who prevented by fits from taking his trial with Savage & the other Luddites at Leicester last spring & who was sentenced at the late assizes to be transported for Life has been to me to ask if it is possible for her to accompany her Husband to the place of his destination

the poor woman, who has a very good character, is an Irish woman without a friend in this country if such an indulgence is ever granted I really think this is a case for it. Caldwell never was considered a man of bad character till his connection with our friend John Blackburn & then has not appeared as a Leader or Contriver of the business.―they have one daughter about ten years old & I find the man has been a good Husband & father.―

I remain dear Sir
Ever yours faithfully

C.G. Mundy

[To] H. Hobhouse Esq

13th August 1817: Charles Mundy informs the Home Secretary of the whereabouts of John Hill & Christopher Blackburn

Burton August 13th
Near Lougborough

My Lord

I have the Honour to inform your Lordship that John Blackburn came to me a few days since to inform me that John Hill, one of those concerned with him in the outrage at Lougborough, was concealed in a House at Nottingham. I wrote to Mr. Lockett to know if he had rec.d any directions from your Lordship respecting those men against whom Bills were found by the Grand Jury at the last Lent Assizes at Leicester but who had not been apprehended  if this member John Hill is one.―as there will be no possibility of convicting any of them without the testimony of John Blackburn or William Burton I beg the favour of being instructed by your Lordship what steps to take concerning John Hill.―As I have received no answer from Mr. Lockett I presume he is from home.―John Blackburn also informed me that his Brother Christopher is working at the embankments in the Fens of Lincolnshire, the usual resort of those who are driven from this part of the Kingdom.―Would your Lordship think it advisable to endeavour to allure him to return & give Evidence against Frank Ward now in custody under your Lordships warrant on suspicion of treasonable practices? but against whom I apprehend we have no case whatever for a jury.―Savage & Joshua Mitchell both told me before their execution that the Loughborough Job was arranged between Frank Ward & Christopher Blackburn, if Ward could be convicted as an accessory before that Outrage it would be a most effectual blow against the revival of Ludding. How far Christopher Blackburns evidence might go or how far it might be possible to [confirm] him of course I can form no idea till without seeing him.―I am sorry to say things are not in a good footing between the workmen & the Hoziers.―there is plenty of work but the prices in general given are so low that no workmen can maintain a family. This has given rise to a sort of warfare between the parish Officers & the Hoziers. the former having proclaimed their intention of supporting the men without work whose masters will not give an advanced price. some of the Hoziers have adopted the advanced price, & I am assured by several very respectable Hoziers that it is no more than the trade can well afford to give. but many of the Hoziers, & those the most opulent & of the most extensive business still give the low price. they have also enlarged the size of the pieces making a yard of work to consist of forty two Inches instead of thirty six. but when the piece is sold to the shopkeeper the yard is only thirty six Inches. I fear those desperate may without close watching lead to dangerous combinations again on the part of the workmen who at present are very quiet

I have the Honour to remain
My Lord your Lordships most Obedient
Very Humble Servant
C. G. Mundy

4th August 1817: Charles Mundy sends an update on the Informers Blackburn & Burton to the Home Office

Burton August 4.th 1817
Near Loughborough

My dear Sir

Blackburn & Burton have both decided that they should like to go with their wives & families to America if any mode can be pointed out of their earning a living there. This decision was not finally made until a day or two immediately previous to Leicester assizes. the letter from the Gaoler informing me of it did not reach me so soon as it ought to have done owing to my being it at Derby in attendance to give evidence before the Grand Jury in the Reason Bills. & on my return home I found Mrs Charles Mundy whom I had left ill still so & all my three children in a state of the utmost danger. this prevented my attending the assizes at Leicester I wrote to Mr. Lockett who I knew was there to beg he would see Blackburn & Burton & tell them to remain quietly in Leicester Gaol till I rec.d directions from Lord Sidmouth respecting their wish of going to America.

unfortunately, Caldwell had having pleaded guilty & Lockett having no other business there he was gone home to derby before my servant got to Leicester with my letter.―In consequence of these accidental circumstances Blackburn & Burton heard nothing from me.

The undersheriff, (Mr. Miles) & some others I believe went to the men, and as they describe it told them some one thing & some another” & puzzled them till they did not know what to do―The High Sheriff went to Mr. Justice Bailey & stated that two men were in Gaol without any charge & commitment but justice Bailey conscientiously felt himself justified compelled to ordering them to be discharged the day he left the Town & at ten OClock at night they arrived at my House without money or place of refuge. I determined then after consulting with them what would  be best for them to do till I could hear from Lord Sidmouth respecting their going to America they determined that Blackburn should remain here all night & set out early in the morning for Kettering in Northamptonshire & stay with his father there and that Burton should go on in the dark to his Wives father at New Radford, Nottingham: this subjected to us thinking it a dangerous plan for Burton but he was bent upon it and said he would get there in the night & remain concealed till I send to him.

I gave them a pound note each for their present support but I own I feel nervous about them especially Burton. as soon as Lord Sidmouth determines in the mode of conveying & providing for them I shall be glad to be inform’d.―

Would Lord Sidmouth now think it worth while to set John Blackburn to work to find his Brother Christopher and try to persuade him to surrender & to give evidence against Frank Ward as an accessary before the fact of the Loughborough Job? Frank Ward is now in custody under Lord Sidmouths Warrant on suspicion of Treasonable practices but we have nothing to support any charge. he is such a rascal & so mischievous a fellow it would be a good thing to transport him.―

I remain dear Sir
Ever yours faithfully
C.G. Mundy

If the Sheriff & Mr. Justice Bailey would have been quiet the two men would have remained quietly in Gaol they had both signd their consent to remain there.

[To] H. Hobhouse Esq

1st August 1817: The suspected Luddite, Frank Ward, writes to Lord Sidmouth from his cell at Oxford Castle

Oxford Castle August 1. 1817

My Lord

When I was taken from my home I had a respectable business that imployed nine frames. but the last account I received from my Wife informs me that she as not received anay Work since I was taken and my Lord I have a wife and four Children that wholy depended on that business so soport and as been inabled by it to pay taxes to the amount of nearly £20 a year. but in my abstance the business is Lett for want of me to superintend it and if the taxes must be paid while I ham kept from home the business must be broke up and my family be brought to Distress and Ruin. and why My Lord must this sevear punishment be inflicted upon an innocent and helpless familey it is not because their farther is gilty of the crime he is charged with. no My Lord. I declare my innocence and solicet proof of my gilt. and the olney faviour I ask your Lordship is spedeley to bring me to trial. that I may prove my innocence to the Disgrace of those. that have so wickardly and maliciously Slanded and ruined me. and my family. and Deciveingly have deceived and imposed upon your Lordship. to the ingury of your Lordship in your precent situation and carracter. and my Lord I humbly look to you for redress and I hope I may not look in vain―I hope and trust your Lordship will give me your advice weather my Wife must pay the taxes or no in my abstance I hope a acte of compassion to a destressed and helpless familey  your Lordship condescend to answer this Letter and I Remain My Lord your Lordships Most Humble and most obedient Servent

Frances Ward.

PS―

My Lord

Whe saperately and jointly Humbly thank your Lordship for your kindness in permitting us to be togeather 3 or 4 hours per Day and prays your Lordship will permit us to be to Geather constant as there is an apartment in the prison witch whould make us mutch more comfortable wheir whe both might be to geather if it meetes your Lordships approbation whe shall be very thankfull

31st July 1817: Jeffery Lockett informs the Home Office of the outcome of Samuel Caldwell's trial

Leicester July 31.st 1817

Dear Sir

The King agt. Caldwell

The prisoner accepted our proposal & pleaded guilty to the indictment charging him with the offence of framebreaking―The words were scarcely out of his mouth before he was seized with a very violent convulsion fit which continued more than half an hour and left him in a state of insensibility. The judge will pass sentence upon him tomorrow.

My advances on account of the Treasons & in this [business] are considerable. You will oblige me if you will authorize Mr Litchfield to place some money to my acct: at Messrs Lees & Co. of Lombard St.

I am Dear Sir
Your most obed Servt

Wm Jeffery Lockett

[To Henry Hobhouse]

31st July 1817: Samuel Caldwell convicted of frame-breaking during the 'Loughborough Job' - the final Luddite trial

On Thursday 31st July 1817, at Leicester Assizes, the Luddite Samuel Caldwell (aka 'Big Sam') pleaded guilty to frame-breaking during the 'Loughborough Job' over a year earlier, and was sentenced to transportation for life.

Caldwell had stood trial with his comrades in April at the previous Assizes, but had been seized with a violent fit before the trial commenced proper. He had been held in prison since then awaiting another trial.

The Leicester Chronicle of 1st August 1817, covered the trial thus:

Samuel Caldwell, charged with breaking Heathcote and Boden's frames, in Loughborough, having pleaded Guilty, was sentenced to transportation for life, the charge for shooting at Asher being abandoned. This is the Prisoner whose trial stood over from last Assizes, in consequence of being seized with a fit, when arrainged with the unfortunate men who have since suffered. He was similarly attacked on Thursday, after he had pleaded Guilty to Frame-breaking.

Caldwell's trial and sentence has been overlooked by most historians, but this was effectively the final Luddite trial.

22nd July 1817: Two frames sabotaged at Wimeswold, Leicestershire

The Leicester Chronicle of Friday 1st August reported an act of sabotage that had taken place in Wimeswold in the early hours of Tuesday 22nd July 1817:

In the night of Mondsay se'nnight, a stocking-maker's shop at John Clarke's, of Wimeswold, near Loughborough, was broken open, and the jack-wires withdrawn from two of the frames, and taken away, besides a little injury done to some of the needles. It is supposed that this serious mischief (serious indeed to the life of the perpetrator thereof, if he should be caught,) was committed at the early hour of one o'clock in the morning, as some neighbours heard a noise thereabouts. There was another frame in the shop, but is escaped being at all meddled with. Working under price is assigned as the cause of this lamentable occurrence. We also understand, that an event of a pretty similar description has recently taken place at Castle Donington.

19th July 1817: Pre-publication advert for Francis Raynes' expose of his anti-Luddite activities in the North of England in 1812

Francis Raynes attempts to secure remuneration for his services to the Government during 1812 had been largely fruitless, and by 1817, amidst the furore produced by the uncovering of Oliver the Spy, he had taken a decision to 'publish and be damned' (in the words of Wellington).

The advert below appeared in the Morning Chronicle of Saturday 19th July 1817:

In the press and speedily will be published,

AN APPEAL to the PUBLIC, containing an ACCOUNT of SERVICES rendered during the Disturbances in the Manufacturing Districts of the North of England, in the year 1812. With an Account of the Means adopted which eventually led to their Suppression; together with a Correspondence with Governors, the Duke of Montrose and others, on the subject of a Remuneration for those Services. By FRANCIS RAYNES, formerly Lieutenant in the 12th, of Price of Wales’s Light Dragoons, late Captain in the Stirlingshire Militia.

“Then fancy that the thing is done,

As if the power and will were one.”

“Kings might indeed their friends reward,

But Ministry find less regard.”―GAY.

London: printed for John Richardson, 91, Royal Exchange, and Baldwin, Cradock and Joy, Paternoster-row; and M. Stack, Gainsburgh.

12th July 1817: The Treasury Solicitor authorizes payment of the legal bills for the final Luddite trials

[Lincoln’s] Inn

12th July 1817.

Sir.

The King agt: Towle & ors

Same agt: Savage & ors.

I have the honor to inclose the Bills of Costs charges and Expences incurred in these Prosecutions by Messrs: Ward Lockett & Balguy of Derby amounting in the first Case to Seven hundred and ninety two Pounds fifteen Shillings & nine Pence and in the latter Case to Fourteen Hundred and Seventy five Pounds and nine Pence together with Abstracts thereof―These Accounts have been examined in the usual manner, and deductions made of those charges which are not ordinarily allowed, but the principal part of those deductions arising from an Extra charge for a managing Clerk in the course of this business, which considering the nature & Extent of these prosecutions & the various places, at which the business was going on at the same time, may not be deemed unreasonable or improper to be allowed. I should submit that with the deduction of fifteen Shillings from the first Bill and Six Pounds one Shilling from the Second, the remainder which will then amount to Two thousand two hundred and Sixty one Pounds x x x x x x v and six Pence may be allowed and paid to Messrs: Ward Lockett & Balguy in full discharge of these Bills―

I am
Sir
Your very faithfull
and obedient Servant

H. C. Litchfield

[To] H. Hobhouse Esqr
&c &c &c

11th July 1817: The 'Destroying Stocking Frames Act, 1817'

An Act to repeal an Act, passed in the Fifty fourth Year of His present Majesty, for the Punishment of Persons destroying Stocking or Lace Frames, and Articles in such Frames, and to make, until the First Day of August One thousand eight hundred and twenty, other Provisions in lieu thereof.

[11th July 1817.] 

WHEREAS an Act was passed in the Fifty Second Year of His present Majesty's Reign, intituled An Act for the more exemplary Punishment of Persons destroying or injuring any Stocking or Lace Frames, or other Machines or Engines used in the Framework Knitted Manufactory, or any Articles and Goods in such Frames or Machines; to continue in force until the First Day of March One thousand eight hundred and fourteen: And Whereas an Act passed in the Fifty fourth Year of the Reign of His present Majesty, intituled An Act to repeal an Act of the Fifty Second Year of His present Majesty, for the Punishment of Persons destroying Stocking or Lace Frames, or any Articles in such Frames, and to make other Provisions instead thereof: And Whereas it is expedient that the said last recited Act of the Fifty fourth Year aforesaid should be repealed, and other Provisions made instead thereof: Be it therefore enacted by The King's Most Excellent Majesty, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the Authority of the same, That from and after the passing of this Act the said last recited Act of the Fifty fourth Year aforesaid shall be repealed, and the same is hereby repealed, save and except as to so much of the said last recited Act as repeals the said recited Act of the Fifty second Year aforesaid, and also save and except as to any thing done before the passing of this Act, with respect to which the said Act shall remain and be in full Force and Effect as if this Act had not been made.

II. And be it further enacted, That from and after the passing of this Act, if any Person or Persons shall by Day or by Night enter by force into any House, Shop or Place, with an Intent to cut or destroy or any Framework Knitted Pieces, Stockings, Lace or other Articles or Goods, being in the Frame, or upon any Machine or Engine thereto annexed, or therewith to be used or prepared for that Purpose, or with an Intent to break or destroy any Frame, Machine, Engine, Tool, Instrument or Utensil used in and for the working and making of any such Framework Knitted Pieces, Stockings, Lace or other Articles or Goods in the Hosiery or Framework Knitted Manufactory, or shall wilfully and maliciously, and without having the Consent or Authority of the Owner, destroy or cut, with an Intent to destroy or render useless, any Framework Knitted Pieces, Stockings, Lace or other Articles or Goods, being in the Frame or upon any Machine or Engine as aforesaid, or prepared for that Purpose, or shall wilfully and maliciously, and without having the Consent or Authority of the Owner, break, destroy or damage, with an Intent to destroy or render useless, any Frame, Machine, Engine, Tool, Instrument or Utensil used in and for the working and making of any such Framework Knitted Pieces, Stockings, Lace or other Articles or Goods in the Hosiery or Framework Knitted Stockings, or Framework Lace Manufactory; or shall wilfully and maliciously, and without having the Consent or Authority of the Owner, break or destroy any Machinery contained in any Mill or Mills used or any way employed in preparing or spinning of Wool or Cotton, or other Materials, for the Use of the Stocking or Lace Manufactory, every Offender being thereof lawfully convicted shall be adjudged guilty of Felony, and shall suffer Death as in cases of Felony without Benefit of Clergy. 

III. And be it further enacted, That this Act shall continue and be in force until the First Day of August, which will be in the Year of Our Lord One thousand eight hundred and twenty.

20th June 1817: Frank Ward & 2 other suspects arrested for 'treasonable practices'

On Friday 20th June 1817, the Leicester Chronicle repeated a story printed in the Nottingham Review:

During the last ten days, Francis Ward, a master silk-stocking-maker, and John Holmes, and Samuel Haynes, lace-hands, have been taken into custody, and on Saturday last, were removed to London in two post chaises, where, we understand it is likely they will be detained, on suspicion of seditious or treasonable practices.

Francis, or 'Frank' Ward, had been named by the late Luddite Joshua Mitchell at the end of March, in a confession made just prior to his execution. Ward's arrest would later become cause célèbre, as we shall see in due course.

10th June 1817: A desperate Gravenor Henson writes to Lord Sidmouth from Cold Bath Fields prison

House of Correction, Cold Bath Fields
June 10. 1817—

My Lord

I hope after an imprisonment of upwards
of two months in close confinement you will not [obscured]
me importunate in making the present application
especially as I have several Weeks since ma[obscured]
[illegible] communication to Sir N Conant. I was [obscured]
must recollect the circumstance of my [obscured]
in London with a Petition to the Prince Regent [obscured]
Hand; and as I left Nottingham with only [obscured]
of Linen, as I expected to return thither on [Sunday] [I am]
in extreme want of necessaries particularly Shirts [obscured]
I brought with me were considerably worn nay [obscured]
more than I thought till I came to examine them:—[obscured]
I am now in that situation that during my further con-
finement I shall not have a clean Shirt: I have nothing
to complain of the Diet I receive; but I hope my Lord
you will consider that clean Linen, Shoes, [and] Drawers (mine
have divided in two parts) are as necessary as Virtue.
I hope my Lord innocent as I certainly am, and m[obscured]
worthy of recompence than imprisonment, that [you] [obscured]
not treat me so harshly as to keep me here con[obscured]
naked, dirty, shirtless, perhaps filthy, and that [obscured]
even hinting to me the nature and bearing of [my] [obscured]
My Lord you have told me that you suspected [obscured]
High Treason, but when my Lord I [illegible]
was against my principles to engage in Rebellion [obscured]
shook your Hand; I cannot suppose my Lord
would barely on your own suspicions confine any Man for
Months, but I must anathemise those who have done me
so great an injury in the opinion of your Lordship
Mr Smith told me at his Seat at Blendon Hall that your
Lord received Information that it was me, and John
Blackner (now deceased) who were the “principal Instigators”
[obscured] the Luddites,” I believe that there are persons in Nottingham
[and] its Neighbourhood who would not hesitate a moment
[obscured] giving your Lordship such malicious and false information
[obscured]lieve that you have received such Information; I told
[obscured] Smith so; but I told him at the same time that I thought
[his] Lordship knew better, that you knew that I had at
[various] times done my utmost to moderate the minds
[of] the Workmen and induce them to seek other means
[of] redress than Force, outrage, and disturbance for their
acknowledged grievances: in conformity to these views I was
an active promoter of the Framework Knitters Bill, which
passed the Commons Houses of Parliament (but which I had
the misfortune to understand in your Lordships Office
was considered one of my Offences).

At the particular request of Mr D. P Coke, Mr John Smith
and Sir Thos Tyrwhit, after the Bill was rejected in
the House of Lords, I undertook to endeavour to soothe and
moderate the public mind in Nottingham, with the assis
tance of several worthy Persons it succeeded but in a
manner that gave additional offence to some of the
masters, by advising the workmen to seek fir redress
by Combinations as the workmen of various Trades
have done in London for a great number of years without
I believe incurring the suspicion of his Majesty’s Govern-
ment; the plan indeed was objectionable but in the midst
[obscured] so wild a commotion it was the only expedient [practible]

I believe that at that period your Lordship had great [confidence]
of me; buy I was the most entitled to praise, but [obscured]
shall even believe that that was one cause of my [present]
confinement,—But if I offended them I have since [obscured]
them (I mean the unprincipled malicious part of the [manufac-]
turers) great offence; by prosecuting them for [paying]
workmen in Frames and other Goods instead of [Wages]
which was brewing a storm that had already [obscured]
mischief and was likely to do more; these [Persons]
raised the clamour of Luddites Committees &c &c [obscured]
my Lord for a positive fact, that when those [obscured]
were broken in Woolpack Lane Nottingham [obscured]
of these Persons made applications to the [Magistrates]
for my apprehension, though I knew no [more] [obscured]
affair than your Lordship, nor of any of the [obscured]
prior to their commission: thus my Lord have [obscured]
persecuted for doing good, and preventing to a [great]
extent the distress being greater, and the depredations [obscured]
extensive; I have offended the more desperate Luddites
whom I have been informed have repeatedly threatened
to shoot me for counteracting their designs; and for the
freedom of language I have used at various times against
the practice; on the other hand the Masters (and per[obscured]
some of the Magistrates who are Masters) have misrep[resen]
ted and [illegible] me to your Lordship;

With respect to Politics if I am confined further [obscured]
still more innocent, I interfered only when I [understood]
the Habeas Corpus was going to be suspended, because [obscured]
every reason to expect that they would denounce me t[obscured]
Lordship; I have been no Delegate, I have attended as [obscured]
or private Meetings if there are any in Nottingham [obscured]
secret to me, the only Meetings I have attended were [for the]
purpose of petitioning the Legislature against the [suspension]
of the Habeas Corpus Act—

I beg I must again request your Lordship that you will
[have] the generosity to order me some Linen: but if this should
[not] meet the intentions of your Lordship in clothing the Persons
under confinement, on account of the expences that you
[obscured] put me on the Gaol allowance in provision, and approve
[obscured] the allowance You now make for my maintenance
[obscured] Linen &c, or if neither of these should meet
[your] Lordships approbation, I have particularly to request
[obscured] Lordship that you will remove me to some of
[obscured] Gaols that I may be within reach of my
[obscured] to find me those necessaries that I am so much in
[need] of, in short my Lord I hope you will take some
[obscured] means of relieving my necessities as shall seem to
[your] Lordship most expedient, as for my Liberation, I am
[much] afraid that your Lordships mind is too much preju
diced against me to hope for so great a Blessing, though
I am conscious that from some quarter or other your Lord-
ship has either much misconceived (and it is very probable
that Mr. Smith or your Lordship might misunderstand the
nature of my communication to him respecting the Petition
[or] that I have been much misrepresented in my Case.—

I came to Town conscious of the rectitude of my intentions
[which] was for the purpose of saving the lives of some
[misguided] People; and of enabling your Lordship without
[compromising] the dignity of the Laws, to conciliate a refra
[obscured] district and finally tranquilize it and your Lordship
[obscured] some cause or other has placed me in Prison in close
[confinement], I am ready my Lord and willing to explain
[obscured] every part of my conduct and I am confident I can
[obscured] to your Lordships satisfaction

I am My Lord your Lordships Most Humble & obt Servt
Gravener Henson

29th May 1817: A writer to the Home Office tells of a Middleton man visiting the late Luddite trials

My Lord

I take leave to acquaint your Lordship that on the 15th March, in passing from Coventry to Birmingham by Coach, I accidentally got into the company of a man whose name I afterwards understood to be Bedford from a place called Middleton near Manchester

I again saw and had much conversation with the same Person on 21st and 22nd March at Leicester, and from whom I then understood that he was directed by his associates (the disaffected in and about Manchester) to attend the Trials of the Luddites there to collect any useful information that might transpire on the Trials of these men.—I appeared to have got entirely into the confidence this man, who told me that he intended going from Leicester to Nottingham and Sheffield, that at both of which places they had many Friends particularly at Sheffield, and at which place I appointed again to meet him, where he promised I should be introduced to some "good Fellows, friends to liberty"—So far I consider not worth troubling your Lordship about, but this man at Leicester shewed me the model (turned very neatly in wood) of a most ingenious Pike or Dagger, one part of which was intended to form the Head of a walking stick, and the other part a distinct Knife, and the very great facility with which it could be converted from Knife to Pike or Dagger was well conceived—he said that they had got several hundreds of the Head part manufactured at Birmingham, and at Sheffield they intended to have the Knife part manufactured, and that he intended when in Sheffield to get a few Friends together and to whom I was to be introduced.—

I remained at Sheffield from 25th to 31st March, and then went to Nottingham, and enquired for Bedford at the House he said he should be at there, but could hear nothing of him.—I returned to Sheffield on 5th April, and remained there until the 9th, but have not seen any thing more of this man, and am entirely unable to account for his not calling on me at Sheffield—I had a very good deal of conversation with him, particularly at Leicester, and which if it is at all desirable to your Lordship to be made acquainted with, I shall have great pleasure in communicating, if your Lordship will permit me to have a line addressed to me at Mr. Gwynne’s Solicitor’s office—Stamp office Somerset House, with your Lordship's commands on the subject

& I have [etc]

J Johnston

29th May 1817.

[To] Ld— Viscount Sidmouth

16th May 1817: Charles Mundy tells Louis Allsopp that John Slater's wife wants to go to Australia with him

Burton May 16th 1817

Dear Sir

I wish we had met before you set off—If you see Lord Sidmouth as you probably will pray [name] to him that Slater’s wife has been with me to press her application to go with  her Husband when he sails for new South Wales, & also to take their five children.—Of course I could give her no other answer than that I would forward the application to Lord Sidmouth.—I [mailed] her former application to his Lordship who seemed to think it not quite impossible that she might be allowd to go; but at that time no mention had been made by the woman respecting the five children—I must say to you I think the Police Officers at Nottingham are slack in searching for the Luddites who are still at large.

I have had information on which I think I can depend that Disney (Sheepshead Jack) was walking openly about Nottingham in the day time about some days since. It is stated in a letter from a native of Sheepshead living at Nottingham to his father at Sheepshead.—a very active man, who is of great service to us at Sheepshead, came to me this afternoon to inform me I said he could rely on the veracity of the person who told him he had seen the letter. I shall go to Nottingham tomorrow morning to see Enfield or Carpenter [Smith] about it or Hooley about it. I suspect the Officers are lying by for an offer of reward.—I am sorry to say the application for relief & the complaints of want of work have been very numerous within the last week & what is perhaps more alarming the application for warrants of distress for poor rates have also been abundant.—

many thanks for your remembering me about Madeira I should be greatly obliged to you to order me a Pipe. pray let me know what the price is & when to be paid as on that may depend whether I should wish for one pipe or two.—I fear poor Heathcote will suffer much by the decision in Orgills case.—

How come the Magistrates to admit Green to Bail? by your statement when I last saw you I should have thought it not Bailable.—

I hope to see you when you return.—

Believe me my dear Sir ever yours [truly] C. G. Mundy
I rejoice in the failure of the Catholick claims I am one who think the nation will be wind if this Bill is ever carried.—

[To] Louis Allsopp Esqr

2nd May 1817: Simon Orgill loses the appeal of the award of damages in his favour

On Friday 2nd May 1817, 18 months after the hearing had been ordered, the Hundred of West Goscote successfully appealed the verdict of damages awarded against them for the attack on Simon Orgill's lace frames in 1814. The Times of the following day carried a law report about the case (erroneously dubbing the location of the attack as 'Castle Dunningford'), which is reproduced below:

LAW REPORT.

COURT OF KING'S BENCH, FRIDAY, MAY 2.

ORGILL V. SMITH.

This action, under the 52. Geo. III. c. 130, was brought by the plaintiff, a lace-maker, at Castle-Dunningford, against the hundred, to recover compensation for "twelve lace frames, being engines," which were destroyed on the night between the 10th and 11th of April, 1814, by divers persons riotously assembled. A verdict was taken for the plaintiff, damages 400l., subject to the opinion of the Court upon a case which, after mentioning the destruction, stated that the plaintiff carried on his business in a factory adjoining to his dwelling-house, and that each of the frames or engines in question weighed 600lb. being made of wood and iron; that they formed no part of the factory, but could not be removed from it without being taken to pieces; and that they were fastened to the window-sill by an iron bar, and to the floor by two pieces of board. The question for the Court, upon these facts, was, whether these frames within the meaning of the above-mentioned act.

Mr. BALGUY, in support of the verdict, first called the attention of the Court to the Riot Act (1 Geo. I. c. 5.), to the Black Act (9 Geo. I. c. 2.), and to the 9 Geo. III. c. 29. which were statues in pari materia; the two first giving a remedy, in case of demolition by tumult, against the hundred in the statutes themselves, and the last having the same remedy communicated to it by 41 Geo. III. c. 24. At the same time the act in question passed, 52 Geo. III. c. 130, [1812], instances of destruction of stocking and lace frames, by riotous mobs, were of daily occurrence, and the object of the Legislature was to afford protection to property of that description; the title was "An Act for the more effectual punishment of persons destroying the property or His Majesty’s subjects, and for enabling the owners of such property to recover damages," & c; and it went on to recite, that it was expedient and necessary, that more effectual provision should be made for the protection of property not within the provision of former acts, viz.1 Geo. I. c. 5.; 9 Geo. I. c. 2.; and 41 Geo. III. c. 24. In consequence, it proceeded to enact, that, thereafter any person or persons who shall unlawfully, riotously, and tumultuously assemble and "demolish or pull down, or begin to demolish or pull down, any erection, building, or engine, which shall be used or employed in carrying on any trade or manufactory, or any branch or department of any trade or manufactory," shall be guilty of a capital felony. The clause immediately following the above gave the party injured his action against the hundred for compensation. It would not be denied that these lace-frames were used and employed in a trade or manufactory; and it was quite as clear that they came within Dr. Johnson's definition of engine, the word used in the act—"any mechanical complication in which various movements or parts concur to one effect." The statue contained nothing to limit or restrain the engines there mentioned to those employed for any particular purpose. Thus these lace-frames came within the strict terms of the clause; or if they did not, the case of Hide v. Cogan (Doug. 699) had settled, that under the riot-act the injured party was entitled to a liberal construction of the words.

Mr. READER, on the other side, impressed upon the Court the very great importance of this question to a large district of country, where many actions of the same kind were still pending. In order to show that a lace-frame was not an engine within the meaning of the 52d Geo. III. c. 130. he examined the statues recited in the preamble: neither the Riot-Act nor the Black Act mentioned engines, a term first employed in the 9th Geo. III. c. 29. explained by 41 Geo. III. c. 24. What then was the meaning of the word engine? A spinning-wheel, and even a pair of scissors, came within Johnson's general definition; and to prove it, the Doctor quoted two lines from Pope:—

"He takes a scissors and extends

"The little engine on his fingers ends."

The true explanation of the term in this case was, therefore, to be sought in the act under consideration, and in other statues of the same subject. It deserved attention, that wherever this word engine was used (with one exception) it was accompanied by "demolishing, or pulling down," which could not apply to a lace-frame, though it would to "an erection or building," the two words preceding engine in the 52d Geo. III. c. 130.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH.—To satisfy the word demolish, there must be a moles, the part of which must be separated. Can that be said of a lace-frame?

Mr. READER added, that the primary sense of the word demolished, given by Dr. Johnson, was "to throw down a building, to raze," though "to destroy" was added as a secondary signification. Lace-frames were never called engines in Nottinghamshire.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH.—The word engine may mean a larger or a less thing, according to the subjecta materia: thus, in statues we have engines for mines, and engines for killing game: but does it not mean, in this case, something capable of demolition?

Mr. READER.—The words preceding in the act are erection and building; and it would be a miserable bathos indeed to say, that the word engine, which followed, was satisfied by a lace-frame. He farther argued, that this statute was not meant to protect the mere instruments of trade like lace-frames; because the 52d Geo. III. c. 16. Had passed only a few months before the 52d Geo. III. c. 130. for the express purpose of inflicting the penalty of death upon the destroyers of them. No remedy was there given to the owner against the hundred, because the destruction would probably be a private act of malice, and not the consequence of a public riot or tumult. The stat. 28 Geo. III. c. 55.the first on the subject "for the better protection of stocking-frames, and the machines or engines annexed thereto," clearly proved that the frames themselves were not considered engines by the Legislature. He cited Reed v. Clarke (7 T. R.496.) to show that the hundred would be liable, unless the act by which the house, &c. was destroyed, amounted to a capital felony.

Mr. BALGUY replied.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH.—In the course of the argument my mind has fluctuated, and has now undergone a change: for I am clearly of opinion, that the word engine does not properly apply to all the moveable means of carrying on a trade—to the utensils, tools, & instruments employed in it. It is true, that engine is to be found in both the 52 Geo. III. c. 130; and in the previous statue of 52 Geo. III. c. 16: but the meaning of words is often to be ascertained from the company they keep: the two acts have different objects—the first for the protection of "erections, buildings, and engines;" and the last for the preservation of the engines, utensils, tools, or instruments of trade: this double or equivocal application of the same word has occasioned the difficulty, but it requires a different interpretation, and coupled as it is in the act immediately before the Court, with "buildings and erections," it must be understood as engines connected with the soil, and not merely moveable from from one part of a room to another, like a bed, which, as a lace-frame, must be taken to pieces before it can be got out of the house: the word engine must be understood in both statutes as ejusdem generis with the terms by which it is accompanied.

Mr. Justice BAYLEY concurred.

Mr. Justice ABBOTT observed, that the words "demolish, or pull down," could not, in their correct and sober sense, be applied to the destruction of a piece of mechanism like a lace-frame: but the at went farther, and said, that it should be felony "to begin to demolish or pull down;" so as plainly to indicate, that the operation must take time, and be upon some engine much larger and stronger than that in question. The terms of the other acts strongly confirmed this construction.

Mr. Justice HOLROYD, who entered the Court while Mr. Balguy was speaking, expressed his assent as far as he been able to form an opinion.

26th April 1817: Jeffrey Lockett updates the Home Office about Christopher Blackburn & other wanted Luddites

Derby April 26th 1817

Sir

In confidence of your letter of yesterdays date, I have given directions for the immediate apprehension of Christopher Blackburn. It is supposed that Hudson Dakin and Hill also are in the neighborhood of Nottingham, and every exertion shall be made to take them also. Blackburn is the only one who is privy to the treasonable designs of Henson, Ward, & that party. There can be no doubt but that he will be ready to communicate all that he knows either of Luddism or treason, and think himself mercifully dealt with if he is only transported.

Mr Mundy called upon me immediately after my letter of the 23d was sent to the post office,—and I had a communication from him after his conference with Mr Allsopp and Mr Enfield. As he informs me that he has written fully on several subjects to Lord Sidmouth I presume that the further detention of John Blackburn and William Burton and the subsistence of them and their wives in the house of correction at Leicester—and the expediency of employing Mrs Wing or Woodward, and making [illegible] a small weekly allowance for his services, are topics upon which he has consulted his Lordship. I have apprized Mr Mundy of his Lordship’s wish that C. Blackburn [should] be taken.

I have [etc]

Wm Jeffery Lockett

[To] Rt Honble H. Addington

25th April 1817: Informer's report on a meeting with the notorious Nottingham Luddite, Benjamin Badder

25th April 1817.

I was with B. Badder last night and the night before—We were talking about the Ludds that were hung, when he said (after expressing his sorrow for them.) "But never mind and as to that damned Blackburn there is something preparing to strike level with them"—I told him I should like to have the pleasure of shooting him myself—He said "Oh! never mind you'll know when it is to be done and they thought they hanged them all because they had hanged Six but there were some left yet as good as those they had hung"–He said they died like men and would not be forgot, and that their persecutors would be struck level with yet as the Revolution was going on only in a different way not quite so public and he desired me to tell them at Bulwell to keep themselves in readiness to be called on at any hour as Nottm was riper than ever— I mentioned that I had heard [Christopher] Blackburn was taken he said he thought if he were he would not bring any body into a premunire about the money.—

25th April 1817: Charles Mundy writes to the Home Secretary about the wanted Luddite, Christopher Blackburn

Private

Burton April 25th 1817
near Loughborough

My Lord

I have the Honour to state in addition to what your Lordship will have received in a letter from Mr. Allsopp written while I was with him yesterday some circumstances of difficulty that we feel ourselves plaid in respect respecting Christopher Blackburn who it is ascertained is now in the neighbourhood of Nottingham.—I understand that while when John Blackburn was first taken in the attack on my Lord Middletons gamekeeper he was detained for some days at the House Lord Middletons House before he was removd to the House of Correction of Nottingham & that a promise was there made to him by Lord Middleton and Mr Rolleston that his brother should not be included in the consequences that might result from any discoveries he might be disposed to make.—I have always understood from Savage & John Blackburn that Christopher knew more of the planning of the Ludding mischief than any one else & that he was also privy to a great deal of political mischief.—There is no doubt but he might be made an evidence against Frank Ward, Frank White, Jewkes & Neale as accessaries to the Loughborough outrage & probably against Benjamin Badder also, who is as bad a character as any of the others. it is not impossible but he might furnish something against Gravener Henson. Withers, whose sister he married, told me he thought he was concerned in every thing, and John Blackburn says that Christopher was to have conducted the proposed attack on the barracks at Nottingham.—

The difficulty that we feel is this, if he is apprehended & it turns out that he cannot give the evidence we want that we cannot support him so as to give effect to his testimony, how shall we dispose of him so as to keep good faith with his brother? The Bill is found by the Grand jury against him as against the others for the Loughborough outrage.—I was not aware that he had been included in the Indictment till I was so informed by Mr. Lockett to whom I went on Wednesday last to ascertain that point. I had always understood he was to be left out.—It might possibly be the best way to try to open a communication with him & endeavour to persuade him to surrender himself voluntarily, this will be difficult as his brother John is too great a rascal to trust at large for such an Employ, added to which he would be afraid of going to Nottingham. It would be the greatest of all objects as far as the Ludding system goes to conflict Frank Ward & Badder and if White, Jewkes & Neale who have absconded could be discoverd & taken it would be a great object to convict them especially the two former. This with the punishment of some of the perjured Alibi witnesses following so close on the late Executions would bid fair to annihilate the system.—as White Jewkes & Neale have all friends & close connexions in and about Loughborough it is probable that if your Lordship thought it right to examine letters at the post office the place of their retreat might be discover’d.—I had much conversation with Mr. Alsopp on the subject of the statement made by Savage and as to the possibility of dealing with Burton of Sandy Lane as recommended in the last letter I had the Honour of receiving from your Lordship.—When Mr. Hooley returns, who is better acquainted with the [stocking] manufacturers than almost any body, the attempt must be set on foot. I find this Burton has been long in the habit of travelling the Country selling Political Books &c.—and is probably well acquainted with the members of Committees & the delegates or missionaries in different parts of the kingdom.—

I can I feel a strong desire to obtain by some means an interview with Christopher Blackburn if it could be arrang’d.—it is very probable he might furnish a Clue to more things than the mere concerns of Luddism.—

I believe Mr. Alsopp will have the Honour of waiting on your Lordship in few days.—The death of a near relation of Mrs Charles Mundy for whose widow & children I have much business to transact will compel me to leave Burton on Monday Morning next for a few days. should your Lordship have any Commands for me I will beg the favour of their being directed to Washenborough near Lincoln.—the distance from Nottingham is little more than thirty miles.—I hope to be at Burton again by the end of the week of which I will have the Honour of informing your Lordship.—I do not exactly know when Mr. Hooley is expected to return.—

I have [etc]

C. G. Mundy

[To] The Right Honourable
Viscount Sidmouth